The king determined to wait the English in a field which had Stirling on the left, and the brook of Bannock on the right. What he most dreaded was the ftrength and multitude of the English cavalry. The banks of the brook were steep in many places, and the ground between it and Stirling was partly covered with wood. The place, therefore, was well adapted for oppofing and embarrafing the operations of horfemen. The king commanded many pits to be dug in every quarter where cavalry could have accefs. Thefe pits were of a foot in breadth, and between two and three feet deep. Some flight brufhwood was laid over them, and they were carefully covered with fod, fo as not to be perceptible by a rash and impetuous enemy. Barbour defcribes their conftruction in a lively manner: "They might be likened, fays he, to a honeycomb." This implies that there were many rows of them with narrow intervals.

Be

By this difpofition the king expofed his left flank to the garrifon of Stirling; but the inconfiderable number of foldiers in that garrifon could not have greatly annoyed the Scots. fides, Moubray the governor had confented to a truce, and, if he had affailed the Scots before the fate of the castle was determined by battle, he would have been deemed a falfe knight. In those days, the point of honour was the only tie which bound men; for difpenfations and abfolutions had effaced the reverence of oaths.

Edward proceeded triumphantly on his march for the relief of Stirling cattle.

On the 23d June, the alarm came to the Scottish camp, that Edward was approaching.

The king of Scots refolved that his troops fhould fight on foot. He drew them up after this manner. He gave the command of the center to Douglas, and to Walter the young Stewart of Scotland; of the right wing to Edward Bruce, and of the left to Randolph; he himself took charge of the referve, compofed of the men of Argyle, the islanders, and his own vaffals of Carrick. In a valley to the rear, he placed the baggage of the army, and all the numerous and ufelefs attendants on the camp.

He enjoined Randolph to be vigilant in preventing any advanced parties of the English from throwing fuccours into the caftle of Stirling.

Eight hundred horfemen, commanded by fir Robert Clifford, were detached from the English army; they made a circuit by the low grounds to the eaft, and approached the caftle. The king perceived their motions, and coming up to Randolph, angrily exclaimed, "Thoughtlefs man! you have fuffered the enemy to pafs." Randolph hafted to repair his fault, or perifh. As he advanced, the English cavalry wheeled to attack him. Randolph drew up his troops in a circular form, with their fpears refting on the ground, and protended on every fide. At the firft onfet fir William Daynecourt, an English commander

of

of distinguished valour, was flain. The enemy, far fuperior in numbers, to Randolph, environed him, and preffed had on his little band. Douglas faw his jeopardy, and requested the king's permiffion to go and fuccour him. You fhall not move from your ground, cried the king; let Randolph extricate himfelf as he best may. I will not alter my order of battle, and lofe the advantage of my pofition." In truth, replied Douglas, I cannot stay by and fee Randolph perish; and therefore, with your leave, I must aid him." The king, unwillingly, confented; and Douglas flew to the affiftance of his friend. While approaching, he perceived that the English were falling into diforder, and that the perfeverance of Randolph had prevailed over their impetuous courage. Halt, cried Douglas, thofe brave men have repulfed the enemy; let us not diminish their glory, by sharing it."

Meanwhile the vanguard of the English army appeared. The king of Scots was then in the front of the line, meanly mounted, having a battle-ax in his hand, and a crown above his helmet, as was the manner in thofe times. Henry de Bohun, an English knight, armed at all points, rode forward to encounter him. The king met him in fingle combat; and, with his battle-ax, cleft the fcull of Bohun, and laid him dead at his feet. The English vanguard retreated in confufion.`

Monday the 24th of June 1314, at break of day, the English army moved on to the attack.

The van, confifting of the archers and lancemen, was commanded by Gilbert de Clare, earl of Gloucefter, nephew of the English king, and Humphry de Bohun, earl of Hereford, conftable of England.

The ground was fo narrow, that the reft of the English army had not space fufficient to extend itfelf. It appeared to the Scots as compofing one great compact body.

Edward, in perfon, brought up the main body. Aymer de Vallence, earl of Pembroke, and fir Giles d'Argentine, two experienced commanders, attended him.

• Maurice Abbot of Inchaffray, placing himself on an eminence, celebrated mafs in fight of the Scottish army. He then paffed along the front, barefooted, and bearing a crucifix in his hands, and exhorted the Scots in few and forcible words, to combat for their rights and their liberty. The Scots kneeled down. They yield, cried Edward; fee, they implore mercy." They do, anfwered Ingelram de Umfraville, but not ours. On that field they will be victorious, or die."

66

The two armies, exafperated by mutual animofities, engaged. The conflict was long and bloody. The king of Scots, perceiving that his troops were grievously annoyed by the Englifh archers, ordered fir Robert Keith, the marshall, with a few armed horsemen, to make a circuit by the right, and attack the archers in flank. The archers having no weapons, were inftantly overthrown, and falling back, fpread diforder through

M 4

out

out the army. The king of Scots advanced with the referve. The young and gallant earl of Gloucefter attempted to rally the fugitives, but was unhorfed, and hewen to pieces-the confufion became univerfal. At that moment the numerous attendants on the Scottish camp, prompted by curiofity, or eager for plunder, iffued from their retirement in the rear. It feemed as if fresh troops had arrived in aid of the Scots, The English fled with precipitation on every fide. Many crowded to seek relief among the rocks in the neighbourhood of Stirling caftle; and many ruthed into the river and were drowned,

Pembroke and fir Giles d'Argentine had attended on Edward during the action. When Pembroke faw that the battle was irretrievably loft, he constrained Edward to quit the field. "It is not my wont to fly, faid d'Argentine, renowned for his prowefs in the Saracen wars; then fpurring on his horfe, and crying out, An Argentine," he rushed into the battle and met death

Douglas, with fixty horfemen, purfued the English king on. the fpur. At the Torwood he met fir Laurence Abernethy, who was hating with twenty horfemen to the English rendezvous. Abernethy abandoned the caufe of the vanquished, and joined with Douglas in the purfurt. Edward, rode on without halting to Linlithgow. Scarcely had he refreshed himself there, when the alarm came that the Scots were approaching. Edward again fled. Douglas and Abernethy preffed hard upon him, and allowed him not a moment of refpite. Edward at length reached Dunbar, a place diftant more than fixty miles from the field of battle. The earl of March opened the gates of that castle to Edward, protected him from his purfuers, and conveyed him by fea into England.

• Such was the event of the battle of Bannockburn; an action glorious in its circumftances, and of decifive moment.

On the fide of the Scots, no perfons of note were flain, except fir William Vipont, and the favourite of Edward Bruce, fir Walter Rofs.

When Edward Bruce heard of his death, he paffionately exclaimed, "Oh that this day's work were undone, fo Rofs had not died."

But the lofs of the English was exceedingly great. Of barons and bannerets, there were flain twenty-feven, and twentytwo made prifoners. Of knights there were flain forty-two, and fixty made prifoners. The English hiftorians mention as the noit diftinguished among the flain, the earl of Gloucester, fir Giles d'Argentine, Robert Clifford, Payen Tybetot, William le Marefnal, and the Senefhal of England Edmund de Mauley. Of elquires there fell feven hundred; the number of common men killed or made prifoners is not related with any certainty. • The Welshmen who ferved in the English army were feattered over the country, and miferably butchered by the Scottish pealants.

The

The English who had fought refuge among the rocks in the neighbourhood of Stirling cattle, furrendered at difcretion. Moubray the governor performed the conditions of his capitulation, yielded up the caftle, and entered into the fervice of the king of Scots.

The privy-feal of the English king fell into the hands of the enemy.'

Obftinate as was at this time the war between the two nations, it was terminated by a pacification which, however unexpected, is not unufual in the viciffitude of human things. It was ftipulated in one of the articles of the treaty, that Johanna fifter to Edward the Third, then king of England, fhould be given in marriage to David, the fon and heir of the king of Scots. Speaking of this treaty, the chief articles of which are specified by our author, he makes the following judicious remarks.

• The English hiftorians, indeed, term the peace of Northampton ignominious, and the marriage of the princess Johanna, that bafe marriage; becaufe, on that occafion, Edward III. renounced a claim of fuperiority which the bloody and ruinous wars of full twenty years had in vain attempted to establish.

They who cenfure pacific meafures, are generally perfons exempted by their condition from the toils and dangers, and intolerable expence of war. No peace is ever adequate to the fanguine expectations of the vulgar: and, through fome strange fatality, the expectations of the vulgar are no lefs fanguine after a long feries of difafters, than after the moft fignal and uninterrupted fuccefs.

There were many caufes which concurred to render the peace of Northampton neceffary. England, at that period, was miferably divided by factions, under the dominion of a youth of fixteen, and, through the prodigality of the former reign, fo impoverished, as hardly to be capable of paying for the feeble aid obtained from foreign mercenaries. There were no able and experienced commanders to oppose against Bruce, Randolph, and Douglas: and, however harfh it may now found, it is acknowledged by the ancient English hiflorians, that, in the course of a twenty years war, the fpirit of Scotland had attained an aftonishing afcendant over the English.

That motives of private intereft, alfo, induced queen Ifabella and Mortimer to precipitate a peace with Scotland, will not be denied. All the misfortunes which might have enfued in the profecution of the war, would have been afcribed to the errors of their administration, while Edward alone would have reaped the glory of any fuccessful enterprife: and, indeed, a young king, if bred up in camps, and conftantly furrounded by his barons, could not have been long detained in a ftate of tutelage favourable to the ambition of Ifabella and Mortimer.

• For

. Fortunate it is for a nation when the felfifh views of its ru lers chance to coincide with the public interest.

In confequence of the treaty of Northampton, David, prince of Scotland, married Johanna, the daughter of Edward II. [at Berwick, 12th July.']

In the courfe of the narrative fir David Dalrymple detects a mifrepresentation in Crawfurd's Peerage, respecting a daughter of Robert Bruce, named Matildis, who was married to an efquire, one Thomas Ifaac. The words of Fordun, who men tions the alliance, are, Quæ nupfit cuidam armigero, nomine Thomae Ifaac.' Crawfurd, fpeaking of this lady, falfely cites the authority of Fordun in the following manner :

Quæ ex Thoma de Yfack habuit filiam.' His intention, fir David obferves, was to conceal the mean marriage of the daughter of Bruce, and therefore he fuppreffed the words quidam armiger, [a certain efquire,] and he changed the name of Thomas Ifaac into Thomas de Yfack, which has the appearance of a more dignified appellation, affumed from lands.

We should do injuftice to the elaborate refearches of fir David Dalrymple, did we not give a place to his animadverfions on a paffage in Mr. Hume's Hiftory, refpecting the asfertion, that the eftates of lord Wake, and Henry de Beaumont, had been bestowed on the followers of Robert Bruce, and could not, without difficulty, be wrefted from them.

"It had been ftipulated in this treaty, fays Mr. Hume, that both the Scottish nobility, who, before the commencement of the wars, enjoyed lands in England, and the English who inherited eftates in Scotland, fhould be restored to their several poffeflions; Rymer, v. 4. p. 384. But though this article had been executed pretty regularly on the part of Edward, Robert, who faw the eftates claimed by Englishmen much more numerous and valuable than the other, either esteemed it dangerous to admit fo many fecret enemies into the kingdom, or found it difficult to wreft from bis own followers the poffeffions bestowed on them as the reward of their fatigues and dangers; and he had protracted the performance of his part of the ftipulation," &c. Errors are crowded into this 'fhort paragraph. 1. There was no article in the treaty of Northampton concerning a general and reciprocal reftitution. See Annals, p. 127, &c. There is no evidence that Robert Bruce protracted the performance of the treaty on his part, or that Edward III. ever complained of his delays. It is trange that Mr. Hume fhould have quoted Foedera, T. iv, p. 384, and yet have faid, that Robert Bruce protracted the perjormance on his part, while the article had been pretty regularly executed on the part of Edward III. for the inftruments quoted from Foedera, however much it may have been mifunderflood in other particulars, certainly proves that Edward III. made a grant to Douglas