• All Dr. Warburton has faid, relative to Judas and the vinegar, wants confirmation. I have met with no fuch circumftances in any myfteries, whether in MS. or in print; and yet both the Chefter and Coventry collections are preferved in the British Museum. See MS. Harl. 2013, and Cotton MS. Vefpafian. D. viii.

Perhaps, however, fome entertainments of a farfical kind might have been introduced between the acts. Between the divifions of one of the Chefter Mysteries, I meet with this marginal direction. Here the Boy and Pig; and perhaps the devil in the intervals of this first comedy of the Taming of a Shrew, might be tormented for the entertainment of the audience; or, according to the custom obferved in fome of our ancient puppet-thews, might beat his wife with a fhoulder of mutton. In the Preface to Marlow's Tamburlane, 1590, the Printer says: .

"I have (purpofelie) omitted and left out fome fond and frivolous jeftures, digreffing (and in my poore opinion) farre unmeete for the matter, which I thought might feeme more tedious unto the wife, than any way els to be regarded, though (happly) they have bene of fome vaine conceited fondlings greatly gaped at, what time they were fhewed upon the ftage in their graced deformities: nevertheleffe now to be mixtured in print with fuch matter of worth, it would prove a great difgrace, &c."

The bladder of vinegar was, however, ufed for other purposes. I meet with the following ftage direction in the old play of Cambyfes by T. Prelton) when one of the characters is fuppofed to die from the wounds he had juft received.-Here let a small bladder of vinegar be prick'd. I fuppofe to counterfeit blood; red-wine vinegar was chiefly ufed, as appears from the ancient books of cookery.

In the ancient Tragedy, or rather Morality, called all for Money, by T. Lupton, 1578. Sin fays:

I knew I would make him foon change his note,

"I will make him fing the Black Sanctus, I hold him a groat. "Here Satan fhall cry and roar."

C Again, a little after.

"Here he roareth and crieth."

Of the kind of wit current through thefe productions, a better fpecimen can hardly be found than the following:

"Satan. Whatever thou wilt have, I wilt not thee denie. Sinne. Then give me a piece of thy tayle to make a flapper for a flie.

"For if I had a piece thereof, I do verily believe

"The humble bees stinging should never me grieve. Satan. No, my friend, no, my tayle I cannot spare,

"But afke what thou wilt befides, and I will it prepare.

Sinne. Then your nofe I would have to ftop my tayle behind, "For I am combred with collike and letting out of winde: "And if it be too little to make thereof a cafe,

Then I would be fo bold to borrowe your face." Such were the entertainments, of which our maiden queen fat fpectatrefs in the earlier part of her reign. Steevens.'

To be continued. ]

Con

Confiderations on the Prefent State of Public Affairs, and the Means of rafing the neceffary Supplies. By William Pulteney, Esq. 800. 15. Dodfley.

MR.

R. Pulteney, after declaring that he addreffes the public from no partial motives, but merely from au honeft zeal for the welfare of his country at this important crifis, informs us, that he has always confidered the great load of our public debt as a millftone, which, fooner or later, would endanger almost the existence of this kingdom. He even affirms himfelf to be of opinion, that the enormous amount of the national debt has been one of the chief caufes of the American refiftance, and has, above all other things, encouraged France to engage in the prefent conteft. Though fuch be his fentiment of the state of the nation, he is far from thinking that we should endeavour to extricate ourselves from the war by any dishonourable conceffions.

As the very meritorious conduct of this country, fays he, in giving up the claim of taxation, and fending out commiffioners to treat, on the moft liberal footing, with America, has failed of fuccefs; and as the congrefs is understood to have entered into a treaty, offenfive and defenfive, with our natural enemy, no option feems now to be left us, but either to proceed with the utmoft vigour, in profecuting the war, or to submit, not only to the claim of American independence, but to fuch further conditions of peace, as France and the congrefs may think proper to impofe; for it is not to be imagined, that, France, if we were ready to yield, would demand nothing for herself; or that the congrefs would, in fuch a cafe, either dif unite themfelves from France, or be contented with the fimple acknowledgment of independence :-Befides, it would be dishonourable in the highest degree, upon our parts, to defert, unconditionally, thofe friends in America, who, from a fenfe of duty and allegiance, have hitherto stood firmly by us, at the ha zard of their lives and fortunes.

But even if these points could, by a timid fubmiffion, be obtained, as I believe they could not, yet it behoves us to look forward, to the confequences, of American independence, founded on the interpofition of the French nation, and in what manner our future fecurity, is confiftent, with a connection fo formed and fupported.

That the proceeding of this country, in paffing the conciliatory bills, was wife and juft, I am ftill moft fully convinced; and I am also perfuaded, that, notwithstanding the rejection of our terms by the congrefs, these bills, and the commiffion which accompanied them, have been already attended with very important effects; for, befides having united, as I flatter myself they have done, almoft every impartial man in this country, in

the

the common caufe, there is reason to believe, that, by removing every fair and honourable ground of union, they have, as might well be expected, greatly divided the Americans, and they have effentially diminished, the refpect formerly paid to the continental congrefs, by bringing to light the real views, of that body of men.

Nothing, to be fure, could be more unfortunate, than the moment at which our commiffioners arrived in America; at a time when the news of a French treaty, haftily concluded to difappoint us, had arrived before them; accompanied with the promife of a French fleet of great force, which foon after did arrive; and when at the fame time, as if to complete the appearances of our humiliation, the orders for evacuating Philadelphia, and leaving our numerous friends there, exposed to their inveterate enemies, were publicly known.

It is in vain for us, however, to look back, except for the purpose of punifhing thofe whofe mifconduct may have deserved it; and that measure, I hope and truft will be fteadily pursued : but it is of the laft confequence, that we fhould look forward, in this very new and important crifis,'

Mr. Pulteney afterwards proceeds to fuggeft the general idea of what ought to employ the public deliberation on the present occafion; namely, to confider, whether the object we are now contending for, by the war, deferves to be pursued; and if it does, whether or not it be attainable, and by what means? His fentiments on these important topics of inveftigation are worthy of being laid before our readers.

The object now, I apprehend, is, to preferve fuch a connection with the colonies in North America, as to unite the force of the whole empire, in time of war, for the common fafety; fo that no one part may be thrown into the scale of a foreign enemy, to the prejudice of the other part.

'This object, it is imagined, will be attained, if the colonies acknowledge the fame king, which involves the power of peace and war, and the rights of mutual naturalization and fuc. ceffion; and this point is at the fame time confiftent, with the moft ample ideas, of a free conftitution in each of the colonies, and even of a congrefs, in the nature of a general parliament, to take care of the general interefts of the whole. It is perfectly confiftent too, with the idea, of an exclufive power in the colony affemblies, and congrefs, to impofe taxes in that country, and of an exclufive power, to vote the number of troops to be kept up in their respective provinces, fimilar to the control of the British parliament, upon the crown, with refpect to troops in Great Britain; ftill more is it confiftent, with the idea, of their enjoying a trade, almost free from reftriction, not only to Great Britain, but to all parts of the world.

It is difficult to imagine, what any reasonable man in the colonies can wish for more; and if Great Britain were willing,

as

as I hope fhe would be, to give, befides, a fhare in the general government of the empire to thefe colonies, by admitting reprefentatives from their refpective affemblies, to a feat in the British house of commons, and a vote in all questions (except as to taxes impofed here) it would feem to place the colonies in the happiest fituation, that has ever fallen to the lot of any body of people, fince the beginning of time. They would, I apprehend, derive every poffible advantage from fuch a connection, without any one difadvantage which it is poffible to conceive.

The whole force of Great Britain, and of its navy, would ferve to them as a protection and fupport. The great expence of the civil government here, would fall entirely upon us, and they would be only obliged to defray the very moderate expence, of their own internal governments. Their trade would not only be free to this country, but would have a natural preference here, to that of other nations; the large capitals of the merchants of this country, would continue to fupport and extend their agriculture and improvements of every kind; and, free from the risk of internal difcords, or external annoyance, they would enjoy every privilege, pre-eminence, and advantage of British fubjects.

On the other hand, every power of injury, or of oppreffion, from hence, would be at an end. They would not truft to our virtue or good faith; for, by having the exclufive power of voting and levying their own money, and of regulating the number of their troops, the future government of America would be carried on by the confent of the people alone, and by the voice of the reprefentatives chofen by them. The power of voting their own money, and of regulating their military force, would involve a redrefs of every other poffible grievance; it is precifely the control, which the British parliament has in this country, over the crown, and for which our ancestors contended fuccefsfully, in the reign of Charles the Firft. The removal of customhoufe officers named by the crown, the fecurity of charters, the control over judges and governors, which they fo much defired; in fhort, every point from which the leaft jealousy has ever arifen, would naturally follow; nor would the Americans have to dread their being involved in the expence of our wars, fince it would be in their own power, to refuse to contribute to that expence.'

Mr. Pulteney obferves, that the fituation of Great Britain, upon the footing of the propofed connection with the colonies, would perhaps be better for both countries, our new debt excepted, than the fituation before the commencement of the prefent conteft.

By this fort of connection, every fource of jealousy would for ever be removed, the people of America would be free from every apprehenfion of danger to liberty, their natural affection for a people, from whom they are fprung, poffefling the fame manners, language, religion, and laws, and having the fame

com

common intereft, would certainly return. The connection arifing from our having the fame king, would unite us in the fame views; there would be no occafion for faction or intrigue to preferve that connection, for it would be impoffible for either party, to wifh any improvement upon it. We fhould be relieved, from the great expence, which attended the keeping troops in that country, a meafure which could only be neceffary, to enforce a government, which the great body of the people difliked; all the expence of their civil government, would be defrayed by the Americans themfelves, and the profperity of America would be more than ever, the intereft and the wish of this country. Her ports would be open to us, and in time of war, would be open to us alone, at least not to our declared enemies.

On the other hand, if America is declared independent, or if by withdrawing our troops, before a fair arrangement is made, fhe fhall become independent, will fhe not continue to aid France in the prefent war, and is it not most probable, that she will be thrown irretrievably iuto the fcale of France an alarming circumftance for all Europe, and particularly alarming for Great Britain, Holland, and Spain.-Can we, in that cafe, long preferve Canáda, Nova Scotia, the fisheries of Newfoundland, or either of the Floridas? Can we preferve our West-India iflands, and if we were ready to give up the whole of these, as in that cafe perhaps in wifdom we ought, can we preserve the Eaft Indies, or the Guinea trade? If these too muft go, to what will Great Britain be reduced, or how long can fhe hope to preferve the empire of the fea, or even to fupport herself as an independent kingdom ?'

Mr. Pulteney is of opinion, that the object of compelling the disaffected part of the thirteen colonies to embrace the offer which is now held out to them, is not only desirable, but even neceffary to our own exiftence, as an independent people; and he profeffes himself fully convinced of the practicability of fuch compulfion, under a wife and vigorous administration of public affairs.

The next object of confideration is with respect to the means to be employed. Our author declines entering upon any dif cuffion of the proper military and naval operations; confining his attention folely to the fubfidiary refources, by which thefe may be fupported during the probable continuance of the war. He places in a clear light the great inconveniences arifing to the nation from borrowing money for the public service; and propofes, in the room of this expedient, that a direct pecuniary aid fhould be granted by every subject in the kingdom; a mode of contribution, which, he endeavours to fhew, would fall much lighter upon the people than that of borrow. ing. How far fuch a method might prove capable of anfwer