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did not make a regular pass, but poked at them; that several of them struck at him, and drove him from among them; that afterward he saw him stand at the end of Long-acre: that he went to him, and persuaded him to go home, but he did not think fit to go home; but when the guards came up he resisted them: Says the witness to him, Do you consider what you do in opposing the guards? You, in effect, oppose the queen: What is his answer? It was, Damn you, are you against Sacheverell? Thereupon, he cries out, High-Church and Sacheverell! He would fight the guards, and he would lose his life in the cause; with such like expressions, which he repeated several times, and shews how resolute he was in the matter. He tells you, that be resolutely made a full pass at one of the officers, as he was partly passed by him, pointing towards his flank; and he ap. prehends he must have run him through, but that another soldier struck down his point: that then the soldier struck at him, and the witness apprehending it might produce more blows, and that there might be firing, he thought fit to retire: That he went down the street, and the mob was forced by them that way, and he heard some of them declaring, we will be even with them to-morrow night, for they dare not fire upon us. He gives you an account of the place where he first saw this man, which was over-against the pewterer's at the corner of Queen-street, which is between Long-acre and St. Giles's.

The next witness is Russel, who is one of the horse grenadiers, and one of the first body that came into the lane. He says, they were commanded to disperse the mob, and to take care to place themselves so against the houses that nobody should come behind them, and that they should hinder any body from passing before them. That direction was prudent and necessary; for if they had stood so, that the mob might have come behind them, they would soon have had them off their horses. He tells you, that the prisoner came down from towards St. Giles's, as they were drawn up in this manner, with the horses tails to the wall. He tells you, this man did not think fit to pass before the horses in the open street, but had a mind to get in behind the horses, and did get past one of them, but the witness's horse being drawn back between two bulks, he could go no further, and the witness beat him out: That afterwards he came at the head of the mob, and flourished his sword, and swore, Damn you, who are you for? Are you against Sacheverell? He takes notice, that as they dispersed the mob of one side, they gathered on the other for a while; and it was about a quarter of an hour before they had quite dispersed them.

The next is Southerland, he tells you, that he saw him several times; that he drew up his grenadiers at the end of Queen-street, and he commanded them to draw back, so that none might come behind them; that he saw the prisoner flourishing his sword, and held out the point to him, but did not make a pass; then,

he says, he lost him for a while, but afterwards, when the greatest part were dispersed, he saw him standing over-against Long-acre, with his sword in his hand, and told the captain he had been troublesome to him before, and the captain, thereupon, bid him cut him to pieces, as his expression was: that they rode up to him, but the prisoner made his escape into Long-acre.

The next is Richardson: He is a trooper in the third troop of guards: He tells you, that he remembers the prisoner, when he rode in the first troop; and that he knew him abroad, and here. He gives an account in what manner they marched; that at the corner of the street, captain Hensbrough, (whom he believes the prisoner must know, because he was in the guards at the same time) spoke to him, but what he said the witness does not know; but as he passed by him, the prisoner thrust at him, and the witness apprehending he intended to kill the captain, he beat down the point of his sword, and struck at him with his sword, but the point hitting against the pent-house, his blade broke in pieces. This is the substance of the evidence for the queen, and if there be no answer made to it, proves him to be assisting this mob, and opposing the guards, and attempting to kill the captain, and taking the best advantage to do it, as he passed by him.

On the prisoner's side, they have produced several witnesses, a great many in number, They begin with him in the morning, and give an account, that in the morning he came to Sheer-lane to execute a writ, and about twelve the money was paid, and then they parted.

The next witness is Johnson; he says, they parted at half an hour after eleven; so that these two differ in their accounts about half an hour; for one says they parted at twelve, and the other says, at half an hour after eleven: This I take notice of only to shew an uncertainty as to the time.*

Benjamin Holden is the next; he says he went with the last witness, and the prisoner, to the Savoy; and they parted at twelve, and met again at two. One use they make of this evidence is to shew, that he was not in any cabal that day, for they shew how he employed his time: But you will observe, there are two hours, from twelve till two, which they give no account of; though they pretend to shew where he was all the day. This witness says, they parted about four or five o'clock, and then the prisoner went to Grove's brandy-shop: Lane says, he drank at his master's house till past five, and then they went to the Horse-shoe tavern, and came back to the brandy-shop about eight, and continued drinking there about an hour.

The next witness is Dupper, who keeps the tavern: he says, they came to his house about five or six o'clock, and went before nine; and satisfies you, that during all that time they were

* By the same Chief Just. in Dammaree's case, ante, "It is almost impossible to be exact to half an hour."

Trial of George Purchase,

in his house: Roch went home with him from Grove's, I should take notice, that all these say he was drunk. She says, she got him home, but then he was sent for by Mr. Broad: He was much in drink, and they got a coach, and another went with him to see him there. Loveday says, he was in drink: and when it was proposed for him to go to Mr. Broad, some said, it was not fit for him to go, because he was in drink; and this witness went with him, to see him safe there. Mr. Broad tells you the occasion of being at the tavern; some goods were taken in execution, and as they were making an inventory, a warrant was brought to him against a gentleman, and he sent to the prisoner for his assistance, but he was so drunk he did not think him fit for business, and bid him go home again; which he would not do, unless he would give him a pint of wine. When they came away, he told Mr. Broad it was a mobbish night, and he would see him home, and fancied he was drunk, and would make him go into a chair, and then the prisoner went towards Drury-lane in order to go home.

The next is Bembridge; he says, he was at an oil-shop, at Long-acre end; that about eleven the guards dispersed the mob; that afterwards the prisoner stood at the end of Long-acre, and an officer rode up to him; that the mob was then dispersed, and the officer having spoke to him, some others struck at him, and forced him away; he saw no sword at all that the prisoner had. Avery says, he was with Broad when the prisoner came in, and says he was drunk. Holloway, the appraiser, says, the prisoner was drunk, and that he went away with Mr. Broad and him; and tells you, it was after ten when they parted. Then Brathwaite tells you, he saw him a quarter after eleven come up the lane towards the fire; that he came all alone; that one of the guards spurred up to him, and some of them struck at him, but he did not strike at them, but seemed to lift up his hand to prevent the horses from coming upon him. The watch man tells you, it was a quarter after eleven; that the guards struck at him, but he got up the court, and they sent the watchman after him to knock him down, but he knowing him, did not think fit to do it. Cheekly says, that at the Castle tavern he met the mob; and some of the guards rode up to the prisoner, but the mob was gone a quarter of an hour before; and says, that the prisoner had no sword. Plaxton only says, that he was sent for that night to let him blood: and Brooks gives some account of his behaviour.

The matter will be now for you to compare these two evidences together; and to consider, first, whether those things are true which are Sworn by the queen's witnesses, or whether they are answered by the witnesses for the prisoner ; and then what stress is to be laid upon his being in drink: and as there is no objection made to the witnesses of either side, you are to take what they have said to be true, abating the little mistake a man may fall into as to the

[688

| exactness of time, and the like. As to what they would pretend, of his going straight home from the tavern, you will observe there is time enough for him to have done all that he is charged with; for it all happened in a quarter the tavern about ten; from that time till a of an hour or a little more. If he parted from enough to do all that has been spoken of. I quarter or half an hour after eleven is time time, because there is a series of facts: the think there is little stress to be laid upon the first thing done by him, before the mob was dispersed, was his coming behind the horses; and you will find the reason for that command of the officer to let none come behind him: but he, as drunk as he was, knew there was no hurting the guards, unless they could get behind them. He had been in the guards himself, and you must consider what design he had in getting behind them, when the street design to get behind them, that the mob might was open for him to go in. But if he had a pull them off from their horses, he acted very rationally, though he was drunk. That fact was, when they were drawn up above the fire was proved by Orrel and Russel. Another fact St. Giles's: So that this is plainly not the time near Holborn, he was then coming down from that the witnesses speak of when he was coming up the lane. Then this was only when the horse-grenadiers were there; and the other was when the horse-guards came, when they they swear he made a pass at captain Henswere drawn up below Long-acre; and there brough: and Russell tells you, that as he sheltered himself himself under the houses, his sword struck against the penthouse, and broke to pieces. Southerland speaks of another time then indeed he was doing nothing: and that is when he was at the corner of Long-acre; and the time when he told the captain that he had been troublesome to the grenadiers; thereupon the captain bid him go and cut him to pieces: but this was when the mob was in a great meahe did go; and then the prisoner made off: speak of? They speak of a time when he sure dispersed. Now when do his witnesses that either of those witnesses speak of: they came up the lane. That surely is not the time say he stood quiet, and a soldier rode up to him, that was not the time that Southerland speaks and struck him. You will consider whether of. So that you will consider whether the evidence of both sides is not reconcileable; whether after he parted from Broad, he might not join the mob, come down from towards St. make a pass at the captain, and then be driven Giles's, get behind the horse, and afterwards down with the mob towards the lower end of were driven down the lane, for them to go the street: if so, it was natural, when they home; and as his home was up the lane, he was guilty of resisting the guards in this manner, must come back alone. If you do believe he when he was admonished what the consequence was, and he, instead of making an answer, only asks, are you an enemy to Sacheverell?

conciled, I think the jury can go in considering evidence: and where such a construction can be put on it, it ought to stand.†

Justice Tracy. As to the matter of law, I concur with my lord chief-justice. Baron Bury. So do I.

and encourages the mob to follow him; you his reason; but can that be applied to any one are to consider how far this will make him that is drunk? That matter is stated in the guilty with the rest: for the counsel for the same case: he says, if a man will make himprisoner, though they object to the evidence of self drunk, shall this voluntary, this criminal what passed in the Temple, yet they agree this incapacity of his mind excuse him? No; he tumult was a rebellious tumult; and the fact says it shall not. And it would be of danshews there was such a design. Indeed they gerous consequence if it should. Indeed, his did not pull down all the meeting-houses; but being drunk might make him more forward the reason was, because the guards dispersed than otherwise he would have been; but you them. They admit therefore this was levying see he had sense enough to get between the war in the persons concerned in it; but they guards and the wall, and to attack the captain would excuse him, that he came late and very when he was passed by him. If he cannot be drunk, and did nothing, but was beat by the criminal unless his mind be so, I would ask, if guards; and that his drunkenness disables him he had killed the captain, would it not have from having a share in the design; and there been murder? If so, then if the act be treason, fore he cannot be guilty. It is insisted, that it he would be guilty notwithstanding his is necessary he should be engaged in the ori- drunkenness. Therefore if you do believe he ginal design but there is no need of that; for committed the facts, there is no regard to be that is the earl of Essex's case: it is there ad- had to his drunkenness.* If the witnesses do judged, that the earl of Southampton was not contradict one another, but they may be reguilty of treason, by joining the earl of Essex, conciled, you need not then weigh which side though he did not know bis design. And those you most credit; but if you think they cannot that dispersed upon the queen's proclamation, it be reconciled, but that the witnesses overthrow is said they were entitled to the queen's grace; one another, then you must consider which of but it is not said they were not guilty of high-them is of most weight; but if they cannot be retreason. In felony there may be accessaries, those that are concerned in contriving the felony, or afterwards in assisting the person; but in high-treason all are principals, and are guilty equally with those that are the actors. If there is a design to levy war, and it is not levied, those who were in the design, are guilty of treason; and so those that act in it, though they were not in the original design, are guilty. Say they, he was not at the pulling down any meeting-house: it is true; but he was defending those that did. It is plain, by the course they took, if they had not been dispersed, they would have pulled them all down. It is not indeed accomplished; some of them are standing; but it is because they were dispersed. Now is not this aiding them, when he endeavours to kill the captain of the guards who came to disperse them? And if he could have prevailed to have baffled the guards, they might have gone to the rest; and when they had pulled them down, they might have pulled down every man's house they thought fit. My lord Coke's expression is made use of, that the act does not make the man guilty, unless the mind be guilty; therefore they would infer, that he must be concerned in the design originally. This is a great fallacy; Oldcastle was at war against the king; several furnished him with victuals and drink, and it was found they did it merely for fear of death; but as soon as they could escape from him, they did; and thereupon they were adjudged not to be guilty of treason. Now you may easily observe the difference in this case: if a man be non compos, it excuses him from felony, and all other crimes.* That man cannot be criminal that has not the use of

* As to this see the cases of Edward Arnold, A. D. 1724, and of lord Ferrers, of Hadfield, and of Bellingham, as therein referred to. VOL. XV.

Then the Jury withdrew; and being returned, found a Special Verdict.‡

* See what the chief justice said in Dammaree's case, p. 603, 604.

+ So in the former editions.

"With regard to the case of Purchase, there was some diversity of opinion among the judges present at his trial, because it did not appear upon the evidence that he had any concern in the original rising, or was present at the pulling down any of the houses, or any way active in the outrages of that night, except his behaviour at the bonfire in Drury-lane, whither he came by mere accident, for aught appeared to the contrary." Sir M. Foster, Disc. 215.

"It is not equally clear how the rule," [that all are principals in treason]" with respect to the course of trial, would be in the case of a constructive levying of war, namely, in regard to such persons as accidentally join others in the commission of unlawful and traitorous acts, but without any knowledge of their previous traitorous design, which previous design alone constitutes such acts to be high-treason. That such an aiding and supporting in the very act of rebellion does make the parties guilty of high-treason, notwithstanding their ignorance of the treasonable intent, is clear. This was expressly determined in the case of Purchase. The three dissenting judges in that case grounded their opinion on the consideration that it was not directly found that he aided and assisted the said traitors, though they agreed that the mob were continuing their act of trea2 Y

Trial of George Purchase,

A Copy of the SPECIAL VERDICT in the Case of præfat' justic' des Dne Rne per Iras patent' [692 GEORGE PURCHASE, tried for High Trea-ipius Dne Rnæ sub magno Sigillo suo ut præson, in levying War against the Queen, fert' confect' postea scilt ad deliberacon' gaol' under Pretence of pulling down Meeting- Dne Rnæ de Newgate tent' pro com' Midd' Houses, 9 Annæ, 1710, as it was drawn up præd' apud le Justice-hall in le Old Bailey in for the Consideration of all the Judges. Midd. ss. Memorand' qd ad Session' Dne timo die Aprilis anno rni dcæ Dnæ Anuæ Roœ suburbiis civit' London' die Lunæ decimo sep Rnæ de Oier et Terminer tent' pro com' Midd' Magn' Britanniæ, &c. nono supdico coram apud Westm' in com' præd' die Martis unde- Samuel' Garrard Bar' Major' civit' Lond' cimo die Aprilis anno rni Dnæ nræe Annæ, &c. Thoma Parker mil' capital' justic' Dna Re nono coram, &c. præsentat' existit qd Georgius ad plita coram ipa Rna tenend' assign' Edro Purchase nup' de paroch' Sci Clement' Dacor' Ward mil' capital' baron' sccii dcs Dne Rose in com' Midd' Lab' timorem Dei in corde suo Robto Tracy ar' un' justic' dcæ Dne Rue de non hens nec debm ligeanc' suæ ponderans sed Banco Thoma Bury mil' un' baron' sccii des instigatione diabolica motus et seductus cordi- Dnæ Rnæ Rico Levett mil' Willo Withers mil' alem dileccon' et veram debit' et nralem obe- aldris civit' London' Rico Richardson ar' un' dienc' quas veri et fideles subdit' serenissima servien' ad legem ac al' sociis suis justic' dee et illustrissimæ Principis Dne nre Annæ Dei Dnæ Rnæ ad gaolam ipius Dne Rne de Newgra' Magn' Britannice Franciæ et Hiberniæ gate de prisonar' in eadem existen' deliband' Rua Fidei Defens', &c. erga ipam Dnam assign' per manus suas propr' delibaver' hic in Rnam gererent et de jure gerere tenent' penitus Cur' de Recordo in form' juris terminand', &c. subtraliens ac machinans ac totis viribus suis Et superinde ad præed' deliberacon' gaol' dea intendens pacem et coem tranquillitat' bujus Dnee Rnæ de Newgate tent' pro' com' præed' Rai pturbare primo die Martii anno rni Dnæ apud Justice-hall præed' dco die Lunse decimo Nræ Ruæ octavo apud præd' paroch' Sci Cle- septimo die Aprilis anno nono supdco coram ment' Dacor' in com' præed' proditorie compas- præfat' justic' dcæ Dne Rnæ ult' noiat et al savit imaginat' fuit et intendebat guerram re- sociis præed' ven' præed' Georgius Purchase sub bellion' et insurreccon' contra dcam Dnam custod' Rici Hoare mil' et Thomæ Dunch mil' Rnam infra hoc Regnum Magne Britannice vic' com' præd' (in custod' cujus in gaola de levare et suscitare Et ad easdem pdicon' ima- Newgate præed' pantea ex causa præd' com. ginacon' et intencon' suas præed' perimplend' miss' fuit) ad bar' hic duct' in propr' person' et ad effem redigend' idm Georgius Purchase sua qui committitur præfat' vic', &c. Et stapræd' primo die Martii anno octavo supdico vi tim de alt' prodicon' præed' in indicament' præed' et armis, &c. apud poch' Sci Clement' Dacor' superius spificat ei superius impoit alloqunt' in com' præd' contra deam Dnam Rnam veram qualit' se velit inde acquietari idm Georgius et indubitat' Doam suam cum multitudine gen- Purchase dicit qd ipe non est inde culpabil' et tium jur' præed' ignot' ad numerum quingent' inde de bono et malo ponit se super priam Ideo pson' modo guerrino armat' et arraiat' videlt immediate ven' inde jur' coram præfat' justic' gladiis baculis et fustibus et al' armis tam of- dcæ Dnæ Rne ult' noiat et al' sociis suis hic, fensivis qm defensivis illicite et pditorie adtunc &c. per quos, &c. Et qui, &c. ad recogn', &c. et ibm assemblat' et congregat' guerram publi- Et jur' juræ illius per præfat' vic' ad hoc impancam contra deam Dnam Rnam pditorie paravit nellat' scilt Thomas Sutton Johes Furnez Johes ordinavit et levavit contra ligeanc' suæ debm Parsons Josephus Parsons Willus Hargrave contra pacem deæ Dne Rne nunc coron' et Johes Meard Edrus Boswell Robtus Breakdignitat' suas, &c. Necnon contra form' Sta- spear Ricus Beatknife Ricus Hazzard Francus tut' in simili casu edit' et provis' per quod præ- Higgins et Humfrus Newman exact' ven' qui cept' est vic' com' præd' qd non omitt', &c. ad veritat' de et sup' præmiss' præd' dicend' quin caperet præfat' Georgium Purchase si, elect' triat' et jurat' dicunt super sacrm suu' &c. ad respond', &c. Qd quidem indicament' qd primo die Martii anno regni Dnæ Annæ son when he joined them. The same doctrine titudo gentiu' et magnus concursus populi nunc Rnæ Magn' Britannis, &c. octavo mul. was holden in the case of the earl of Southamp- ad numeru' quingent' person' modo guerrino ton, and those who lent their assistance to Es-armat' et arraiat' videlt gladiis baculis et fusti sex's rebellion; and also by a majority of the bus et aliis armis tam offensivis qm defensivis judges in the cases of Appletree and Latimer, apud paroch' Sci Clement' Dacor' in com' in the 20 Car. 2. But in each of these cases Midd' illicite et proditorie assemblat' et conthose who were actually privy to the design, gregat' fuit sub colore et prætextu diruend' et and took a principal part in the very acts of spoliand' domos vocat' "Meeting-houses," pro treason, were indicted and convicted at the assemblacone protestan' subditor' Dne Rnæ same time. Yet it must be considered that in dissentien' ab Ecclia Anglican' pro divin' cultu this as in all other cases grounded in conspi-allocat' et approbat' scdm direccon' cujusdm racy, where several persons take the same or Act' in Parliamento Dni Willi et Dnæ Mariæ different parts all tending to the same end, that nup' Regis et Regina Ang!', &c. anno rni sui of itself is prima facie evidence that they all primo fact' intitlat' "An Act for exempting acted with the same design." Law, chap. 2, sect. 39. See, too, the quotation from the Church of England from the penalEast's Crown their majesties Protestant subjects dissenting from Mr. East, p. 606, of this volume. ties of certain laws;" et cum intencon' ad

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for High Treason. easdm domos diruend' et spoliand' qdq; diverse | pul' ill' sic ut præfert' material' domus præd' humoi domus in vico vocat'" Fetter-lane," et ibm comburent' satellit' ill' repugnare, adtunc in quodm loco vocat' "Lincoln's-inn-fields," et et ibm incitabat et in et sup' capitan' satellitiu' aliis locis in com' Midd' per populu' sic ut pre- præed' cum gladio suo extract' insult' fecit et fert' assemblat' et congregat' spoliat' fuer' et sepal' equos satellitiu' ill' cum gladio suo præd' subsellia Angce "Seats," et rostra Angce" Pul- percussit et per quendm adtunc et ibm præsen' pits," et al' material' eisdm domibus spectan' admonitus existens qd quicunq; satellit' Dnæ Rnæ repugnat person' etiam ipius Doæ Rnæ dirut et in apertis locis infra com' præd' combuit' et cum igne consumpt' fuer' populo ill' repugnat adtunc et ibm respondendo dixit, "Are you an enemy to Sacheverell ?". Qdq; adtunc magnope exultante vociferante et acclamante Et jur' præed' ulterius dicunt sup' præd' Georgius Purchase anteivit Angce" adsacrm suum qd magna pars eardm personar' vanced before" populu' præd' eundm Georgiu' ad numeru' trecent' person' de concursu po- insequen' contra satellit' præd' duxit vociferans pul' ill' qui sic ut præfert' prædeam domu' in et clamans his verbis sequen' videlt "I am for præed' loco vocat' "Lincoln's-inn-fields" spo- High Church and Sacheverell; come on, boys, I will lose my life in the cause, and will fight liassent et material' inde combussissent et cum Et jur' præd' ultius dicunt igne consumpsissent per quendm Daniel' Dam- the best of 'em." maree duct' abinde erga quendam vicu' vocat' sup' sacrm' suu' præd' qd generalis exclamaco "Drury-lane," in com' præd' progressi fuer' populi præd' ad oia separal' loca præd' dum seexultantes et clamantes qd ipi oes humoi domos paral' domos præd' sic ut præfert' spoliaver' et protestan' dissentien' ab Ecclia Anglican' pro material' inde combusser' universalit' fuit High Church and Sacheverell;" sed utru' assemblacon' in eisdm pro divino cultu sic ut præfert' allocat' et approbat' diruerent et pros- sup' tota matia præd' per jur' præed' in form' ternerent qdq; in progression' sua præed' int' eos præed' compert' videbit' justic' et cur' hic qd adtunc agitat' fuit qm domu' humoi domor' prædict' Georgius Purchase culpabilis sit de proxime diruerent et spoliarent aliquibus cor' alt' prodicon' præd' in indicament' præd' spifiadtunc sociis suis proponen' prostracon' et spo- cat' modo et form' prout per indicament' ill' liacon' cujusdm homoi domus in vico vocat' suppoit' necne jur' præed' penitus ignorant' et "Wild-street," in com' præd' situat' existen' inde petunt advisament' justic' et cur' hic. Et aliis vero eor' prostracon' et spoliacon' altius si super tota matia præed' per jur' præd'in form' humoi domus situat' in vico præd' vocat' præed' compert' videbit' justic' et cur' hic qd "Drury-lane," pro eo qd præd' domus situat' præd? Georgius Purchase est culpabilis de alt' in vico præed' vocat' "Wild-street," pervilis et prodicon' præed' in indicament' præed' spificat' nullius valor' fuit et domus ill' situat' in vico modo et form' prout per indicament' ill' suppræd' vocat' "Drury-lane," maxime estima-poit'. Tunc iidm jur' dicunt super sacrm suu' bilior super quo inter eos agreat' fuit qd ipi dcam qd præed' Georgius Purchase est culpabilis de domu' situat' in vico præed' vocat' "Drury- alt' prodicon' præd' in indicament' præd' spifilane," proxime diruerent et spoliarent et super-cat' modo et form' prout per indicament' præd' inde ad vicu' ill' sub ductu præfat' Danielis versus eu' suppoit' qdq; ipe tempore alt' prodiDammaree (eodm Daniele populu' ill' ad eundm con' præed' null' huit bon' seu catalla terr' sive insequendum adtunc maxime animante et inci- tenta ad notic' jur' præd' sed si super tota matante) progressi fuer' exultantes et clamantes teria præd' per jur' præd' in form' præed' com"Huzza! High Church and Sacheverell!" et pert' videbit' justic' et cur' hic qd præed' Geordeclarantes qd ipi oes domos protestan' dissen-gius Purchase non est culpabilis de alt' proditien' ab Ecclia Anglican' pro divino cultu sic ut præfert' allocat' diruerent et præd' domu' in vico præd' vocat' "Drury-lane," adtunc freger' et spoliaver' et subsellia rostrum et al' material' ad inde spectan' in publico vico ibm adtunc protuler' ad comburend' et cum igne postea in eodm publico vico ac eodm modo quo catera consumpser'. Et jur' præd' ultius dicunt sup' sacrm suu' qd dum personæ præd' sic ut præfert' assemblat' et congregat' material' domus ill' in vico præed' vocat' "Drury-lane," comburebant idm Georgius Purchase in indicament' prædict' menconat ibm advenit et popul' ill' cum gladio suo extract' adtunc defendebat et ad material' domus ill' comburend' eos maxime animabat sed idm Georgius Purchase ante tempus ill' cu' popul' præd' non fuit præsens et adtunc multu' potus fuit. Et jur' præd' ultius dicunt sup' sacrm suu' præd' qd satellitibus Dnæ Rnæ per mandatu ejusdm Dnæ Rnæ concursu' populi præed' dissipare et insurreccon' ill' supprimere in vic' præd' vocat "Drury-lane," adtunc et ibm advenientibus idm Georgius Purchase pe

con' præed' in indicament' præd' spificat' modo
et form' prout per indicament' ill' versus eu'
suppoit'. Tunc iidm jur' dicunt super sacrm
suu' qd præed' Georgius Purchase non est cul-
pabilis de alt' prodicon' præd' in indicament'
præed' spificat' modo et form' prout ipe idm
Et quia præfat'
Georgius pro se plitando allegavit nec se oc-
cone præed' unqm retraxit.
nondu' advisat'.
justic' et cur' hic de judicio suo de et sup'
præmiss' præd' reddend'
Dies inde dat' est præfat' Georgio Purchase usq;
prox' gaol' delibacon' de Newgate præd' pro
com' Midd' præd' tenend' in gaola præd' sub
custod' vic' com' præed' interim salvo custodi-
end' &c. de judicio suo de et sup' præmiss'
Eo qd præfat' justic' et cur'
præd' audiend'.
hic inde nondu' &c.

Middlesex to wit. Be it remembered, That at the sessions of our sovereign lady the queen, of Oyer and Terminer, holden for the county of Middlesex, at Westminster, in the county aforesaid, upon Tuesday the 11th day of April,

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