Billeder på siden
PDF
ePub

principle, upon which all the faith of compact, and all the benevolent regards of mutual welfare, depend, is either improvement or wisdom; and, till it does experimentally so appear, it may, without dogmatizing, be denied, that any permanent or truly beneficial system of policy can be formed without having its basis in religion. Such at least was the belief of the great lawgivers of antiquity, and of those who have profited mankind the most in modern times; and more especially those to whom Britain is indebted for her constitution. This last circumstance will make it the less surprising to the Hon. Author of The Considerations that he should have found Englishmen peculiarly prone to give to political debates what he is pleased to term "a seasoning of religious controversy;" (p. 130;) and though he doubts whether there be more of the vital spirit of religion in this than in other countries, it may be inferred, reasonably, that there is; for men do not commonly bring industriously into a debate that, on which they are not persuaded a general and forcible stress is laid, and to which they themselves do not attach great importance.

[ocr errors]

The idea of excluding religious from political considerations (as the human mind is apt to seek a resource, in one extreme, from evils felt by the other) arose, so far, naturally, from the horrors of persecution, which one religious sect, and, above all, the church of Rome, has, from time to time, unhappily carried on against another. And if it must with sorrow be confessed, that even some of the first reformers of the church of England could not immediately so

divest themselves of the habitual influence of the spirit of the Romish church, as not to think they ought to suppress error by force, it is still greatly to the honour of the church of England that she led the way to toleration; and that no other has been more eminently distinguished by it. The restric tions imposed on other sects, for two centuries past, have been such, mostly, if not wholly, as have been conceived to be of political necessity; if religious principles have been referred to, they have in general been so as a criterion of the political; and this was sufficient, as the constitution of the country was thereby secured. But although the

policy and the religion of a country may, in theory, be considered as distinctly as the soul and the body, in practice they are so necessarily connected, that, even whilst they are united, the harmony of the movements, and the combined and salutary efficiency of the one, depend upon, and are proportioned to, the perfection of the other, and that they cannot be separated without the dissolution of both. The union and order of society must be preserved either by principle or by force. If the constituent parts do not coalesce by a reciprocal attraction, they cannot be held together but by compression. But there is no compression which can consolidate; this can be the effect only of powerful affinities. Now there is no other principle of the human mind, but a religious one, which will produce this generally reciprocal tendency of the individuals in society, necessary to its real strength, and more especially to its happiness. I speak of religious principle as truly such,

and not a principle of that artifice, in the conduct of public affairs, to which, by an unhappy abuse of the term, the name of policy has been given. Take away the religious principle, and what becomes of public or private confidence; of the consideration of the governors for the governed, or attachment of the governed to their governors, or to each other? After that the respect for religion, even a Pagan one, was destroyed in the army of the Romans, they set up the empire to auction. It may also be observed, that Machiavel has, in his Prince, left (what it is, probably, but doing him justice to say, he intended to be so) a warning of what is to be expected from that species of policy, which has nothing to do with religion.

In the present case, the question is, properly, not what have politics to do with religion? but, what has religion, and particularly that of the Romish church, to do with politics? Does that church, or does it not, teach and enforce, as much as in it lies, principles dangerous to a Protestant government, and such as Protestants of the church of England cannot with a safe conscience give any encouragement to? I say, as much as in it lies, not only because that circumstances are necessary to favour the propagation of any peculiar doctrines; but that the argument has of late been most unlogically reversed. It has been, during this discussion, almost continually argued, that, as in the present state of the world, the Papal See does not insist so much upon its doctrines of exterminating Protestants, and deposing Princes, that it therefore is no longer to be

[ocr errors]

14

feared that it ever should do so; but that it may be safely relied upon that it will leave its musty decrees to lie unfolded, and no more disturb the dust with which they lie covered on the shelves of the Vatican; will suffer them to repose in harmless tranquillity, and consign them to perpetual oblivion. It were much to be desired it might be so; but, where power is the stimulus, is it to be seriously expected, that a body, closely and firmly compact in itself, and acting continually by a deep and versatile policy, would not industriously rummage the shelves for authorities to establish, or promote, any important object, should the circumstances of the times admit an idea of any deference to them? It has already been too often done, to suffer it to be a doubt. Of the probability of the recurrence of such times, thus much may be said; that infidelity tends rapidly to bring on ignorance, and ignorance superstition. The times of infidelity are already but too apparent; and they certainly lead to those, which favour the grow th and influence of superstition. Whenever such times may come, they will not require any drudgery of investigation. The same authority that has empowered a Pope to confirm the Concordat, will with equal facility enable him, or any of his successors, to rescind it. It will suffice to turn to the decree of the last day of the last session of the Council of Trent, for a full authority, ample and tremendously adequate to the purpose*. "If," says the decree, "

66

any dif

*Quod si in his recipiendis aliqua difficultas oriatur, aut aliqua inciderent quæ declarationem, quod non credit, aut defini

ficulty as to the reception or observance" (of the decrees of the council)" should arise, or any should perchance require illustration, which it" (the council) "does not believe will be necessary or limitation, exclusive of the remedies appointed in this council, the sacred synod trusts, that the most holy Roman Pontiff will take care to consult for the glory of God, and the tranquillity of the church, either by assembling (from those provinces, especially, where the difficulty arises) such persons as he shall judge necessary for the business; or even, if he shall think it expedient, by assembling a general council, or by whatever mode he may deem more commodious."

If a comment on the last clause be necessary, none can be more illustrative than the Bulls of Pius IV. issued almost immediately after the termination of the council. In the first of these, he assumes to himself the sole right of interpreting the decrees of the council; and in another, soon after, that of abolishing all privileges and grants which were contrary to those decrees, of which he made himself the interpreter, by an authority termed apostolical, a term certainly not intended to convey any idea of limitation or fallibility, and this, "notwithstanding any constitutions or decrees apostolical, or statutes, &c. even

tionem postulant, præter alia remedia in hoc concilio instituta confidit sancta synodus, beatissimum Romanum Pontificem curaturum, ut vel evocatis iis quos eidem negotio tractando viderit expedire, vel etiam concilii generalis celebrationis celebratione, si necessarium judicaverit, vel commodiore quacumque ratione ei visum fuerit, provinciarum necessitatibus pro Dei gloria et ecclesiæ tranquilitate consulatur.-Sess. 25, Die quarto.

« ForrigeFortsæt »