Islands and Chains: Resumption as StrandingJohn Benjamins Publishing, 1. jan. 2003 - 221 sider The present work provides a detailed analysis of chain formation and locality conditions imposed on it within the Minimalist Program. It does so by analyzing resumptive strategies in great detail. This study claims that resumptive pronouns and their antecedents are first merged as constituents, and are separated via movement (thus forming instances of discontinuous constituents). Resumptive chains are thus akin to the well-known stranding analysis of quantifier float. A taxonomy of islands is developed that crucially ties barriers for movement to agreement possibilities. The stranding of a resumptive pronoun is shown to limit the role of agreement for the moving element, thereby allowing a chain to be formed across an island. |
Indhold
Overview | 14 |
CHAPTER 3 | 18 |
Basegeneration? | 23 |
resumption stranding | 25 |
A note on Quantifier Float | 53 |
Conclusion | 63 |
On the nature of extraction | 65 |
The Case of Whphrases | 72 |
Conclusion | 117 |
Resumptive pronoun fronting | 125 |
Multiple Abar dependencies | 132 |
Pending issues | 150 |
119 | 158 |
Conclusion | 159 |
References | 192 |
Name index | 213 |
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Almindelige termer og sætninger
A-bar movement A-movement agreeing complementizer Alexiadou analysis of resumption antecedent Aoun approach argues arguments assume base-generation Baso Benmamoun Bošković c-command capture Case-marked Chamorro Chapter checking Chomsky clitic doubling COMP contexts contrast D-linked dative derivation discussed domain Dp D/the element extraction fact feature Ha-liš Hebrew Infl inflected preposition instances Irish island effects islandhood Kayne Koopman languages Lasnik LDed Lebanese Arabic Maria Mary Match McCloskey ment miin minimalist Minimalist Program Minimality move non-agreement null object operator option overt Palauan parasitic gaps pied-piping position possessor possible prediction preposition present Probe-Goal relation projection line proposal Q-Float quantifier raising relative clauses relevant resumptive chains resumptive pronouns Rizzi RP-fronting S-OCC Scottish Gaelic Section Selayarese Serbo-Croatian SpecCP Sportiche strong island structure subextraction subject RPs sumption Swiss German syntactic syntax theory tion trigger agreement Uriagereka Vata verb violation vp read weak islands wh-agreement wh-movement
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