Clonmel, 5th July, 1853.

MY DEAR SIR-I received yours of the 29th ult., and am sorry to say that I have not the tapestry you allude to. I think about twelve years since, I saw it in Carrick Castle. There were two large pieces, one was "Sampson killing the Lion," the subject of the other I do not now recollect. It was very much faded, as it was lying there I suppose for a couple of centuries, and going fast to decay. I got a friend of mine to enquire of Lord Ormonde's agent (I do not remember his name) if it would be sold: he would not sell it, and a short time after I heard it was sent to Kilkenny Castle. I have four pieces of Tapestry-1st "Hercules and Omphale;" this is 10 feet by 12, colouring very brilliant. 2nd," Rebecca at the Well," 9 feet by 18, rather faded. The two others are sporting subjects, very old and much faded. I had two other pieces, one a "Merry-making," after Teniers, 10 feet by 18, containing fifty-two figures, colours very good. The other, “Jupiter and Leda," 10 feet by 12; these I parted with to a gentleman in Carrick-Mr. Wogan.

Rev. James Graves.

I am, dear Sir, yours very truly,

JOHN W. DOWSLEY.

The second piece of tapestry which was originally at Carrick Castle, and the subject of which Dr. Dowsley was not able to remember, is probably Sampson pulling down the Philistine temple, already alluded to as being at present at Kilkenny Castle.

AN AUTHENTIC ACCOUNT

OF

THE DEATH OF WALLENSTEIN,

WITH A VINDICATION OF THE MOTIVES OF COLONEL WALTER BUTLER.

BY FRANCIS PRENDERGAST, ESQ., BARRISTER-AT-LAW.

THE death of Wallenstein, the principal figure in the Thirty Years' War, has always been enveloped in a mystery never entirely explained, even to the present day. Schiller's tragedy, his masterpiece, "The Death of Wallenstein," has given the subject a world-wide renown, and invested the character of the hero of the drama with a grandeur which has not only caused posterity to deal leniently with his errors or his crimes, but to pass even a harsher judgment than usual, on those who are supposed to have betrayed him to his death. Our object here, however, is to show that the most recent researches have placed the whole transaction in a very different light from that in which it has been hitherto viewed, and to prove that Butler, the author of Wallenstein's death, does not deserve the obloquy that has been heaped upon his name by the great poet and historian, as well as by writers of later date. Butler was one of the family of Paulstown, a cadet branch of the great house of Ormonde, and it ought not to be a matter of indifference to the county of Kilkenny, or, in

deed, to Ireland, whether the name of one of her sons, which must remain on the page of history, should stand there in its proper character as that of a soldier of fortune, who had won his way to honours and estates by fidelity and valour, or, as it has hitherto appeared, as that of a base and hired assassin, incited by sordid motives to execute the behests of an ungrateful sovereign.

The usual story of the close of Wallenstein's career runs to the effect that he had grown too powerful with the army under his command, and that the emperor Ferdinand, fearing to attempt to remove him from it or deprive him of the extraordinary powers with which he had been invested, meditated his ruin, and even his assassination. That Wallenstein, apprised of the intrigues of his enemies at the Imperial court, and aware of his danger, entered into treasonable communications with the Swedes and Saxons, and tampered with the loyalty of the army-endeavouring to secure its fidelity to himself by means of a written bond or pact, which the principal officers, and among them Walter Butler, the commander of an Irish dragoon regiment, voluntarily subscribed their names to, and thereby entered into a traitorous conspiracy against the emperor. That a proclamation was issued against Wallenstein, offering rewards for his arrest alive or dead, and that he retired, accompanied by some of his troops, and among them Butler's regiment, to the fortified place of Eger, and was there, with his principal officers, treacherously assassinated by Butler, aided by Lesley, Gordon, Devereux, and other Scotch and Irish officers. That Butler was the instigator of this assassination, and as such received honours and rewards from the emperor.

Such are the outlines of the account given by Schiller in his tragedy, and in his "History of the Thirty Years' War," by Förster, by colonel Mitchell, and other authors, who, however their opinions may vary as to Wallenstein's innocence or guilt, are unanimous in considering the deed of Butler as base and unworthy of a man of honour. "We must strive," says Mitchell, p. 106, alluding to the officers from these kingdoms in the Imperial service, "to find in their military glory some compensation for the foul blot which we shall see British hands inflicting on the name and fame of our country."

But the position of Butler and his conduct towards Wallenstein appear very differently in the excellent History of the Austrian Empire, lately published by John count Mailath.' He has had access to and examined very carefully the public archives at Vienna and Prague; it is not necessary here to bring forward the evidence by which Wallenstein's treasonable intrigues with France are made manifest, it is sufficient to state that it is difficult to doubt that he engaged in such, and that the emperor, who had long harboured suspicions, was suddenly informed of Wallenstein's dealings with France through the channel of the duke of Savoy.

1 Geschichte des Östreichischen Kaiserstaates, von Johann Grafen Mailàth. Hamburgh, 1850.

Mailath states that the efforts of Wallenstein's enemies at the Imperial court suddenly acquired great force by an entirely unexpected communication from the court of Savoy, by which the emperor was fully and completely informed of Wallenstein's negotiations with the French court. At the same time, intelligence was received from various quarters of the written agreement subscribed by the colonels of the Imperial army at Pilsen. This was the last drop in the cup, and determined the Imperial court to take decided steps against Wallenstein. The emperor signed a proclamation by which he withdrew the chief command from Wallenstein and conferred it upon Gallas, but apprehensive of Wallenstein's influence over the army they did not venture to publish the proclamation till its fidelity could be ascertained. When Wallenstein called the officers to a second meeting at Pilsen, Gallas thought it time to come forward, and issued a public notice to the army not to obey in future any orders from Wallenstein or his officers, but only from himself and other generals named in the proclamation. It is necessary here to observe that this proclamation is stated by most authors to have been a proclamation of outlawry, offering rewards to whomsoever should take Wallenstein alive or dead. But this is not true, it was only to remove him from the command of the army, and went no further. It appears quite clearly, from the correspondence between the Imperial generals who superseded Wallenstein, that their object was to drive him out of Bohemia, and that his death, in the manner in which it took place, was quite unexpected by them. When Wallenstein, who was at Pilsen, was informed that a proclamation deposing him from the command had been posted publicly in Prague, he endeavoured to collect his army and retire to form a junction with the Swedes. But the greater part of the troops abandoned him, and he entered Eger with only ten companies of two regiments and 200 dragoons of Butler's regiment. Mailath says, "immediately about him were his brotherin-law Kinsky, Illo, Terzka, and Butler. This last, Wallenstein had, to his own destruction, compelled to accompany him to Eger. was a Catholic Irishman, a colonel in the Imperial army, commanding a regiment of dragoons, consisting chiefly of Irishmen." Hitherto little more has been known about Butler during the last days of Wallenstein, than what is stated by Förster, and in the "Austrian Military Journal." It is to this effect: Gallas informs the emperor, "colonel Butler has let me know that he will remain true, and endeavour to do his duty to your majesty, which will be no slight impediment to prevent the traitors from executing their designs." Gallas writes further, on the 27th of Feb. 1634, to Maradas: "Butler sends word to me that, if Arnim comes within two miles of Eger, he will arrest, or slay, the traitor (Wallenstein)." But Diodati wrote to Gallas: "that the poor cavalier (Butler) had only gone to Eger upon compulsion, and that he had already written to him (Diodati) that he would withdraw himself." Up to this time we have had no other

He

open

clue to Butler's sentiments; but a document hitherto unknown throws much light upon the conduct and feelings of Butler in the last days of Wallenstein. This is an account of what occurred, written by his regimental chaplain, father Patrick Taaffe, which has been found among the legal papers of a suit between the relations of Butler, concerning the property he had left. Taaffe's account is dated Prague, 12th February, 1653, and it would appear that he had been requested by another priest to relate to him the course of the events at Eger, and Taaffe in his answer gives a circumstantial account of what occurred. He states that Butler was in winter quarters at Klatrub, and his regiment was dispersed in detachments to guard the passes from the upper Palatinate into Bohemia, when suddenly at midnight a courier arrived from the duke of Friedland, with express orders that the colonel should at once, without loss of time, assemble his regiment and march to the White Mountain, near Prague. "The colonel astonished, had me awakened and called to him. He assured me that this unexpected order of the generalissimo confirmed him in the suspicions which he had entertained, of his disloyalty, on several previous occasions. For what else is it, said he, to call away me and my soldiers from the defence of the passes against the enemy so near to us, but to the door to the enemy and invite him into Bohemia ? But go we must, said he, for so peremptory an order cannot be disobeyed. He added to this: I think that I shall die on the White Mountain, but if, as I hope, I find many honourably-minded, and of approved fidelity, I shall not die unrevenged; and I think that the White Mountain will be stained with more blood than in the battle against the Palatine Frederick." Taaffe then relates that the detachments of the regiment were immediately called in and that they marched towards Pilsen. About half way, they met some cavalry and infantry with baggage from which Illo or Terzka (Taaffe does not remember which) gallopped forward, and, in the name of the generalissimo, ordered Butler to join them and march towards Mies. On the 22nd of Feb., continues Taaffe, we arrived at Mies. By order of the duke of Friedland, and contrary to military usage, the colonel was obliged to pass the night with the colours, in the town, while the soldiers remained without in the field. This still further increased his suspicions of Wallenstein, as he concluded from it that they feared he would make his escape. He consulted with father Taaffe, who advised him to fly, but Butler maintained that flight was unworthy of a courageous man, and that it would be of no advantage to the emperor, unless he could bring off the soldiers and the colours with him. On the next day, Butler and his regiment were so placed on the march among the other troops, that he could not remain behind, and go off with them as he intended to do if he could. Butler was again, on this night, separated, with the colours, from the regiment. He sent for father Taaffe, and after a private conversation with him, sent him with a written message, in the English language, to Gallas, or Piccolomini,

to the effect, that he would die a hundred deaths rather than draw his sword traitorously against the interests of the emperor; and also told Taaffe to assure whichever of them he should meet first, that he might be considered in all respects, a faithful and honourable officer of his majesty. He even added, continues Taaffe, that perhaps by the special providence of God, he had been compelled to this march, that he might perform some especially heroic act. Taaffe then relates that he delivered the message to Piccolomini, at Pilsen, and that the latter said he had never doubted Butler's loyalty to the emperor, but that, as he was placed among the disaffected, in order that others who were not so well acquainted with his character, might know it also, Taaffe should, as secretly as possible, apprise him in writing to return, and bring Wallenstein with him alive or dead, if he wished to be advanced by the emperor. "Of all this," says Taaffe, "I was an eye-witness."

"I here," proceeds Mailàth, "interrupt father Patrick Taaffe's narrative, to make some observations. When Butler was at Klatrub, the emperor's proclamation against Wallenstein was unknown to him, for otherwise he would not have obeyed Wallenstein's order to march to the White Mountain; and nevertheless, he already suspected Wallenstein's disaffection. He believed that there was a great faction for Wallenstein in the army, and expected a great battle at the White Mountain, between the emperor's troops and the adherents of Wallenstein; the latter must therefore have already given many tokens of treason, and his proceedings have met with approbation in the army. Further, the decision which Butler came to, and executed in regard to Wallenstein, was his own and not from any superior authority; for the letter of Taaffe, containing Piccolomini's charge, to bring in Wallenstein living or dead, did not reach Butler before the deed. If this had happened, Taaffe would relate it, and Butler would have made its contents of effect with Gordon and Leslie, which he did not do, as the continuation of Taaffe's story proves. Lastly, Taaffe's account is quite worthy of credit, for he separates accurately what he communicated as an eye-witness from that which he only heard; and even in that which he gives as from an eyewitness, he distinguishes accurately what he knew with certainty, from that which he does not remember well."

The continuation of Taaffe's narrative is as follows:

That which follows I relate from Butler's own account, whom I ever found not less true in words than brave in deeds. On the way from Plana to Eger, Friedland had Butler summoned to his carriage and held, contrary to his custom, the following friendly and confidential conversation with him. He said-Herr Butler, I regret that I have hitherto been so strange, and even ungrateful, to so brave and meritorious a commander of a regiment; but the blame rests not so much upon me as on the emperor, who promised me much with which I could have rewarded meritorious officers and brave soldiers; but as he did not keep his promise, it has not only been out of my power to recompense the military according to my wishes, but I am also even compelled, not so much on my own account as for the sake of my officers, to take another course by which I can oblige the emperor to fulfil his promise, so that I may be able to recompense the deserving. Among these I am aware that few come before Herr Butler. But that he may see how