of the old constitution as it stood before 1798. There were many things in this ancient feudal structure which required removal. The Pays de Vaud and Argau were anxious to preserve their independence of the Aristocratic Cantons from which they had been severed by the Revolution; Basle and Zuric from commercial reasons looked to France; and the new districts, proud of their petty liberty, clamoured for the continuance of the mediation.

To prevent the natural consequences of this lamentable disorganization, the ministers of the allies recommended a special commission to investigate the principles of a new Constitution. The Swiss contented themselves with the repetition of a useless Diet, in which the debates were angry and tumultuous; and a civil war seemed rapidly approaching.

Fortunately the allied sovereigns met at Basle in January 1814, and the parade of 36,000 men in arms disposed the minds of the most factious agitators to more tranquil discussion. The plenipotentiaries of the five leading powers of Europe were admitted to the Diet held in March, at Zuric. Their deliberations continued till September, when a final Constitution adopting the distribution into nineteen Cantons, and providing compensations for Berne and Basle, was voted by a majority of members. At the same time it was resolved to appeal to the allies then assembled in Congress for assistance in the establishment of the new government.

These steps led the way to the official " declaration of the powers on the affairs of the Helvetic Confederacy," which was the basis of the Federal Act ultimately adopted. By this the perpetual neutrality of Swisserland was guaranteed. The XIX Cantons as they existed in 1813, were acknowledged. The Valais, Geneva, and Neufchatel were united as three new Cantons to the Federation, and the bishopric of Basle and territory of Bienne were annexed to Berne. After some minor provisions, the necessity of a general amnesty was strongly impressed as the only means of consolidating the power of Swisserland as a nation.

When this protocol was referred by the deputies of the Helvetic Diet to their respective constituents, abundance of remonstrances as might be expected, poured in. The Grisons submitted to the loss of their sovereignty in the Italian provinces, but complained bitterly of the measure which stripped individuals of their landed property. The lower district of Underwalden refused any abandonment of its ancient Constitution, alleging their objection to be incorporated with other legislative bodies, whose decrees they fancied might clash with their own favourite opinions and propensities.

At length in spite of these scruples the Diet succeeded in promulgating an act known under the title of the FEDERAL COMPACT. Herein XXII Cantons mutually guarantee each others territory and constitution. The contingent of troops to be furnished by the general body is in the proportion of two soldiers from every hundred men, and amounts in the whole to 32,886. The contingent of money is fixed at 540,107 French livres. All separate alliances are deprecated, and an important article settled the long contested question of political rights.

"Art. 7. Political Rights. The Confederacy sanctions the principle, that as, after the recognition of the twenty-two cantons, there exist in Swisserland no longer any subject provinces, so likewise the enjoyment of political rights can never, in any canton, become an exclusive privilege in favour of a particular class of citizens." " P. 52.

Zurich, Berne, and Lucern, are termed directing Cantons, and a rotation of presidency in the Diet devolves upon each of these every two years. Various provisions are made for separate branches of administration; and the Compact freely entered into was ratified by the most solemn oaths.

We subjoin Mr. Planta's account, respecting ecclesiastical matters. They appear to us to be conducted with a very dangerous laxity.

"The reader has probably noticed that in the above Federal Act no decree or regulation is laid down for the administration of the Ecclesiastical concerns of the country, the 12th article only excepted, which provides for the further existence and guarantee of the convents and chapters, and the security of their properties, as far as may depend on their respective Governments. Nor are the secondary treaties sufficiently explicit on the subject. May we not hence infer that the previous religious institutions did not appear to them to stand in need of any material corrective, and that in fact any partial emendation might safely be left to the local autho-. rities? All that we can therefore gather from the documents hitherto obtained, merely concerns the general system of church discipline relating to the collective body, and may be summed up under the following heads :

"The Supreme Federal Tribunal or Diet cannot exercise any positive authority or jurisdiction in religious matters; and whatever influence it may occasionally be called upon to exercise must depend entirely on the feelings and circumstances of the moment.

"The principal rights of supremacy, which seem to belong to each individual Canton, but which in fact extend over the whole collectively, are: the exercise of a strict superintendence and controul over all religious establishments by the supreme secular

power; the right of examining into the mode of acquiring and disposing of all ecclesiastical and monastic property; the liability of all such property to all burdens imposed by the state on secular possessions; and the subjection of all Papal bulls, pastoral letters, &c. to the placet or exsequatur of Government, prior to their publication.

"Only three bishoprics exist at present in the country; viz. those of Lausanne or Friburg, of Sion and of Coire; but it is in contemplation to establish two in addition, at Lucern and at Soleure. Besides these, the foreign sees of Milan, Como, and Annecy extend their jurisdictions over several parts of the country. "Notwithstanding a few restrictive inhibitions in some of the Catholic cantons, such as Lucern, Friburg, &c., a general spirit of toleration seems to predominate throughout the republic; and how far the Papal power has dwindled may be gathered from the instance of the abbey of St. Gallen, the abbot of which, by his arbitrary proceedings, occasioned an insurrection in the year 1798, which drove him to seek refuge in a neighbouring state, and in the end brought on the secularization of that venerable foundation. The sovereign Pontiff exerted all the means in his power to bring about the re-establishment of the chapter; but neither his dictates nor his intercessions could avail, the cantonal Diet firmly adhering to their decision." P. 58.

During the reign of 100 days the tranquillity of Swisserland was once again threatened: but no time was lost to put the country in a state of defence, and 60,000 men presented themselves in arms. The Swiss regiments which had beeu raised for the service of Louis XVIII. remained firm to their allegiance; and with the exception of five officers, (of whom it must be observed in palliation that they had followed Bonaparte in all his campaigns) they refused to join the invader's army; and having disbanded themselves, returned home. The storm passed away, and Basle was the only spot, as if in retribution for its former perfidy, which was affected by the brief war. The FEDERAL COMPACT received the personal sanction of the great sovereigns in Congress, at the second occupation of Paris; and the inviolability of the Swiss, and their independence from all foreign influence was declared to be conformable to the true interests of the politics of Europe.

Mr. Planta has drawn his narrative from the works of Meister, Usteri, Picot, and Marten; and the huge collection of official documents which have been presented to Parliament. We cannot take leave of him without expressing our thanks for the liberal manner in which by this separate Tract he has accommodated the purchasers of his former editions, and we trust he will be amply repaid by the extensive circulation of that which is forthcoming.

ART. V. The Rights of Sovereignty in Christian States defended in some chief particulars: a Charge delivered to the Clergy of the Archdeaconry of London, May 24, 1821. With Dissertations and Collections illustrating the same Subject; with Reference to the Works of Mr. Hooker, and Bishop Warburton; together with those of Grotius, De Marca, and others. By Joseph Holden Pott, A. M. Vicar of St. Martin's in the Fields, and Archdeacon of London. 8vo. pp. 336. Rivingtons.

1821.

THE justice of the wise man's commendation of a word spoken in due season, is well illustrated by the work before us. The venerable Archdeacon of London has wisely improved the opportunity of communicating with the assembled Clergy of his Archdeaconry, by bringing under their consideration those great principles of our Protestant Establishment which have been too much neglected by some of our modern statesmen, in their anxiety to promote a favourite measure. In a short preface, the Archdeacon indeed disclaims, and doubtless with great sincerity, any intention of offering an opinion on those public measures which have been propounded, and may be drawn again into debate. And those who take up his volume, with a hope of finding in it any strictures on the views and objects of the persons who now advocate the Roman Catholic claims; or any remarks on the various plans which they have at different times recommended to the legislature, will be disappointed. The Archdeacon, like a wise master builder, looks to the foundations; he does not occupy his own time, or that of the assembled Clergy, in discussing the propositions which the wisdom of Parliament has already refused to entertain; or in anticipating the new shape in which the question may be next brought forward; or in pointing out the evils inseparable from the adoption of the measure, under any of the modifications to which it has been hitherto subjected: but he traces and vindicates the grounds on which those principles are built, in conformity with which our Protestant Establishment in Church and State has been settled, and every public measure by which the interests and security of that Establishment may be affected, should at all times be governed and restrained. A correct knowledge of these principles is, we humbly conceive, essentially requisite to the beneficial discussion of such questions as the supporters of the Roman Catholics are annually forcing upon us and as they have not given us any proof of their accurate

quaintance with them, there is a peculiar propriety in bringing them under the notice of the public, in those words in which the industry and talents of some of the ablest men this country ever produced have left them upon record, for the instruction and direction of their posterity.

After a few introductory observations, the Archdeacon remarks upon the Spirit of Proselytism, as distinguished from true religious zeal; the one shewing itself in an anxious desire by all methods to make converts to a party, the other labouring only to spread the knowledge of the Gospel in the world, without regard to any sinister motives, or factious advantages. The Pharisee whom our Saviour described, bore the distinguishing marks of the proselyting spirit; and the Gnostic, the Heretic, the Donatist, and the Papist have all inherited them; and as they have worked after the same pattern, the effects produced by their labours have been similar.

To those who maintain, that this spirit is one and the same with that honest zeal which ought to influence every Christian, the Archdeacon replies,

"Is this true? Have the wisest and the best men, the disciples of an heavenly Teacher, displayed this overbearing temper in all ages? Has their zeal been of that kind only to which the censure of our Lord applies? Do we find this temper grafted upon the injunctions given by him to his own appointed witnesses? Was it ever visible in their examples; St. Paul in his conversion, retained indeed his noble zeal for truth, but the blind and headlong spirit of the Pharisee was supplied from thenceforth, by a steady moderation, by discretion and forbearance, by a calm attendance on the will of God, exactly limited to what was fit and prudent in all cases. To which let it be added in answer to the taunting caviller, that the zeal which is so justly marked with censure, is found at all times in as high degrees of obstinacy and of headlong eager ness, in men who are professed and open enemies to all religion, who stand forth as the foes to every good thing in every form. They seldom fail to manifest the same indefatigable pains to warp the minds of others and to gather proselytes. I may safely leave it, then, to the good sense and experience of our own age, to distinguish between a steady zeal for all sound principles and for every good design, and a busy, meddling, overweening zeal, which carries with it at all times the morbid character by which its restless temper is excited, and its partial humour no less visibly denoted. When, indeed, sincere and upright men, who do not share in all the views of keener leaders, are contented to partake in some part of their designs, they will not I trust, impute a faulty zeal to others, who may pause a little before they consent to yield the cautionary limit, or to forego the present grounds of safety, even where the purpose is the noble one of redressing in