ed-differences concerning the original and end of government, the refponfibility of governors, and the rights of men, which, whether called by old or new names, whether in favour of, or in oppofition to a particular family, are fhewn to be effentially and irreconcileably hoftile. The rebellion of 1715, followed pretty closely the acceffion of the house of Hanover, and the feverities confequent upon it, incur the blame of our author, perhaps with juftice, though his own account of the divided difpofition of the people, feems to fhow that strong measures might be neceffary. The famous feptennial bill paffed the next year, justly reprobated as a moft glaring and open violation of the truft the nation had repofed in its reprefentatives-the more unjustifiable, as the very reafon alledged for its neceflity was, that government did not dare at that juncture to trust the people with a new choice. One might have fuppofed that on this occafion, if on any, would have been found the benefit of that check which two houfes are fuppofed to be to each other, on occafions in which one of them is difpofed to extend its power or violate established rights; but, unfortunately for our author's eulogium on the upper houfe, which occurs a little before, we do not find that the lords interpofed on this occafion to preserve the ballance of the conftitution. The purchase of Bremen and Verdun by the king, gives occafion to pretty free remarks on the German connections; on which, according to our author, turned as on a hinge the whole politics of this and the fucceeding reign; and it was now,' he adds, 'perceived, though too late, that the separation of the kingdom from the electorate, ought to have constituted the basis of the fettlement of the Houfe of Hanover.' It is unneceffary to follow our ingenious and spirited author through the well known events of this reign.-We fee at the beginning of it Walpole acting in the oppofition along with his great future rival Pultney, and have frequent occafion, in obferving the clamours of pretended patriotifm, and the infidious encroachments of minifterial power, to acquiefce in the obfervation of Solomon, that the thing that has been, that is the thing that fhall be, and that there is nothing new under the fun.An interesting account is given of the Bangorian controversy, in which the court thewed itself fo decidedly in favour of religious liberty.-On the prorogation of the convocation, which fince that time has never been allowed to fit, we were furprized with the following remark: Perhaps, however, in thefe more enlightened times, this affembly might be again permitted to refume its deliberative and legislative povers, with advantage to the community-and in no other affembly could propofitions of ecclefiaftical reform originate, with fo much effect or propriety." If this fentence is meant as ironical, the irony is not fufficiently clear; if not, we profefs ourfelves utterly at a lofs to guess what symptoms our author has obferved of a difpofition to ecclefiaftical reform, which should lead him to suppofe it would be the defireable fruit of the fitting of a convocation. Other attempts were made from time to time against religious liberty, but always baffled by the influence of government.George the First died at Ofnaburg. He is juftly characterized as a prudent, able, and fortunate prince, and one greatly beloved in his hereditary dominions. In the fucceeding reign, fir Robert Walpole, who had by this time afcended to power by the ladder of oppofition, is exhibited as poffeffing an increafing influence; an influence conftantly oppofed, amongst others, by the incorruptible Shippen, who was not one of thofe patriots of whom the minifter boafted (and with truth) that he could make twenty fpring up like mushrooms in a night. The following are the free and fpirited reflections of our author on his administration, which, however, we find fome difficulty in reconciling with the terms of approbation in which he elfewhere fpeaks of the influence of the crown operating in the house of commons. • In forming a just estimate of the political character of fir Robert Walpole, who, for more than twenty years, governed these kingdoms with diftinguished reputation and ability, we fhall find ample ground both for applause and cenfure. Regarding him in the most favourable point of view, we are compelled to acknowledge that, under the auspices of this minister, juftice was equitably and impartially administered; the prerogative of the monarch was invariably restrained within the strict limits of the law; commerce was, by many wife laws, encouraged and extended; the riches of the nation rapidly increased; and the rights and liberties of the people were maintained inviolate. But, if we contemplate the interior policy of his administration, we perceive it, however fair in appearance, rotten at the core, tainted and ficklied o'er with the cadaverous hue of corruption and threatening, in its progreis, to undermine all public virtue, and to extinguish every fpark of public fpirit. Compelled, in order to fecure the favour of his fovereign, and with the vain hope to perpetuate himself in office, to adopt meatures contrary to his better judgment, and the true interefts of his country, he faw that the moft, or rather the only, certain method of carrying those obnoxious measures into effect, was to create an interest in parliament separate from that of the people: by the bafeti and most degrading arts of political depravity, a majority of votes in both houfes was obtained and fecured: and fince the establishment of this fyftem of ministerial corruption, which has defcended to us in its fuil force, the deliberations of parliament are become little better than the conflicts of faction, or the empty forms of freedom. Par B 2 liament liament, which ought to exhibit an unclouded difplay of wisdom, integrity, and benevolence, combined in one illustrious assemblage, is virtually degraded to a court convened only for the purpose of enregistering the royal edicts. It is not the grave and well-weighed counfels of the legislature which, under this fyftem, direct the movements of the executive power; but it is the caprice, the pride, and the folly of the executive power which have too frequently influenced and governed the volitions of the legislative body. It is an acknowledged truth, a truth upon parliamentary record that "the influence of the crown ought to be diminished;" but no vigorous steps have yet been taken to effect that diminution. A reform of the representation, a reduction of the standing military force, a progreffive redemption of the public debt, and a total abolition of all ufelefs and fuperfluous places, penfions, and finecures, upon which the monfter corruption feeds and thrives, are alone adequate to accomplifh the mighty task of a national regeneration. And if that energy and virtue are wanting in the community at large, which will in time incite to the adoption of fuch a means as are neceffary to effectuate this end, what remains but to await, in deep and tranquil filence, the moment in which the national liberty is fated finally to terminate in that abfolute monarchy which, according to a profound and celebrated writer, forms the true euthanafia of the British conftitution?' The fpeech of Mr. Carew, in favour of a proposed bill for annual parliaments, is ftrong and forcible: • Mr. Carew arose, and declared his determination to bring to a decifive teft the fincerity of thofe profeffions which the minifters of the crown recently appointed to their offices had, for fo many fucceffive years, accuftomed themfelves to repeat within the walls of that houfe; and, from the fate of the queftion he was about to propofe, a judgment might be formed whether the prefent minifters themselves merited thofe fevere appellations which they had fo lavifhly beftowed upon their predeceffors. It was not enough, he faid, for the fatisfaction of the impartial and intelligent public, that the new minifters should give a fimple affent to the motion he had in contemplation; for, if they had coalefced with perfons whofe in fluence was, upon trial, found fufficiently powerful to defeat all efforts of political reform, it was incumbent upon them immediately to relinquish thofe offices which they had fo precipitately accepted, without any ftipulation in favor of the public; and unrefervedly to declare against thofe with whom they had fo rafhly united. Amongst the topics most frequently infifted upon by the prefent minifters, when in oppofition to the court, was the neceflity of counteracting the baleful effects of minifter al corruption, which they then feemed to think, and he hoped they ftill thought, could by no means fo effectually be done as by a restoration of the ancient conftitution of parliament, agreeably to which, the houfe would *per perceive, by the acts now read, that parliaments were to be holden once every year. And as long prorogations and adjournments were not then introduced or thought of, the meaning of this famous law muit be, that a parliament fhould be every year chofen as well as held. And this is a conftitution not only fanctioned by ancient practise, but by the unalterable dictates of reason. In order that the reprefentatives of a great nation may be perfectly acquainted with the ftate of its wishes, wants, and grievantes, it is neceffary that there fhould be an intimate and habitual communication between them and their conftituents. But, when gentlemen are chosen for a term of years, they too frequently, on their election, appear at once to relinquish the character and feelings of delegates; they fix their abode. in the metropolis, and vifit their conftituents only when it becomes neceffary to folicit their votes at the eve of a new election. Nay, fuch was the degraded and corrupt state into which the national representation had fallen fince the establishment of feptennial parliaments, that there were gentlemen in that houfe who never faw the borough which sent them thither; who, perhaps, would be at a lofs even to recollect its name; and who were obliged to have recourse to the court calendar to inform them of whom they were the reprefentatives. It was the peculiar and proper province of the house of commons, he said, to convey to the fovereign the fentiments of the nation, both with refpect to the measures he adopts, and the minifters he employs. But could this duty be justly or faithfully executed, when there is no proper intercourse established betweeen thofe who reprefent and thofe who are reprefented? The interests of the prince and the people cannot really and truly differ; he can only be great in their greatnefs, and profperous in their profperity. But the general intereft of the people, and the perfonal interest of the minifters, may very effentially differ; they may have no other ends. in view than to impoverish and enflave the people, in order to enrich and aggrandize themselves: and, during a long term of delegation, how eafy will it ever be for artful and defigning men to mifreprefent the fentiments of the people to the fovereign, and to pervert, by finifter and corrupt practifes, the integrity of thofe perfons whofe duty it is, and who are exprefsly appointed, to guard the liberties, and protect the rights of the community? Properly speaking, Mr. Carew faid, the houfe of commons were no more than the attornies of the people: and is it reasonable that any man should be entrufted with a power of attorney irrevocable for a long term of years? Shall a whole people do that which would be the height of foolishness in every individual? Who can depend upon the continuance of any man's integrity? But the feptennial bill was paffed for the purpose of compelling the people to give an irrevocable power of attorney for that term. The practice of long parliaments was first introduced in the reign of Richard II. when the interests of the country were facrificed by wicked minifters, to gratify the violent B 3 paffions paffions of the monarch. But what was the refuit? The difcontents and murmurs of the people, fo carefully concealed from the know. ledge of the king, at last produced an universal convulfion, which terminated in his ruin, and in the advancement of the duke of Lancafter to the throne, without any other title than that of having rescued the people from flavery. This was the fate of the prince who firft introduced long parliaments; but fo long as a corrupt majority may be more easily obtained in a long than a fhort parliament, fo long will it be the interest of ministers to oppose any limitation of the duration of parliamens, though the interefts both of the monarch and the people ever fo manifeftly require it. If feptennial parliaments be continued in this country, the minifier's letters of recommendation may, in time, be as implicitly obeyed in our counties, cities, and boroughs, as the king's congé d'elire is now in the chapters of our epifcopal cathedrals. But will any one affert, that we fould then have the slightest pretence to the character of a free nation? No-we fhould be flaves; God knows to whomnot, it may he hoped, to a minifter from Hanover; though it is hard to fay what a corrupt parliameut may not attempt, or to what a corrupt nation may not fubmit. To prevent, however, as far as my exertions can contribute to the prevention of fuch a catastrophe, I fhall conclude with moving for leave to bring in a bill to enforce the calling of a new parliament every year after the expiration of this prefent parliament.' It would lead us far beyond our limits to attend the hiftorian through the fhort-lived ministry of lord Carteret, the virtuous administration of Pelham, or the fplendid one of Mr. Pitt, or to note the crowded events of a reign, in which riches increased under an increafing debt, and national power under an exhaeing war; in which continental politics, and the fyftem of fubfidifing, were firft reprobated, and afterwards enter into more largely than ever, by our enterprising and fuccefsful minifter; and glory and conquest paid, as far as conqueft and glory could pay, for unbounded expence and unIparing flaughter. The neceflity of a penfion bill, the danger of a standing army, and the increafing influence of the crown, were standing themes for the unavailing eloquence of oppofition. The people were dazzled with victories, in which, however, a difcerning eye might behold the feeds of future contefts, and Great Britain began to drink largely of that cup of fuccefs which intoxicates the nation's. The character both of Mr. Pitt, then entering into power, and of the folicitor-general, afterwards known by the venerable name of lord Mansfield, are thus fketched out: The first of thefe, (Mr. Murray) promoted, in the progrefs of his fortunes, to the chief jufticeship of England, and the title of earl |