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$ vocate for women. “ There is nothing so powerful sc as they; for I have seen, said he, Apamea the mif• tress of the king my master, give his sacred majesty “ gentle laps on the face, and take off his turban to “ dress her head with.” Darius found Zorobabel's . answer so smart, that he immediately caused the . temple of Jerusalem to be rebuilt.' But no more does Voltaire give a fair and candid relation here, than in former instances. The question was not proposed to all his court, but to his three body-guards. • When the king,' says * Josephus, ' could not sleep
any more, having soon awaked, he enters into conversation with his three body-guards; and promises, • that upon him who should give him the most true • and judicious answer to his question, he would be• ftow gifts,---as a reward of victory.---Having promised that he would confer those gifts upon them,
he asked the first if wine had greater power; the • second if kings; the third if women; or more
than these, truth. After asking these things of them, he went to reft; but in the morning, having ' called the nobles and governors of provinces, and
other rulers of Persia and Media, and having seat• ed himself in the usual place, he commanded each • of the guards, in the hearing of all, to declare his
judgment about the question proposed:' and having told us the answers of two of them, he adds, when ' thus the second was silent, Zorobabel the third, be
gan to speak---and having finished about women, she began to speak about truth, saying, “ I have “ fhewed how much power women have: they, “ however, and the king are weaker than truth, &c,
* See Antiq. xi. 3. 2-8.
• And when he had done, and the multitude cried ' out that he had spoken excellently, and that truth
alone hath power unchangeable, and which waxeth not old, the king commanded him to ask fomething besides these things he had promised.--- After
he had spoken these things, he put him in mind of • the vow which he had made, if he should receive • the kingdom, that he would build Jerufalem, and • repair therein the temple of God, and restore the • vessels which Nebuchadnezzer had plundered and brought to Babylon.' “ And this, fays he, is my
request, which thou now sufferest me to ask, whom " thou hast judged wise and intelligent.” Whereupon
gave orders to promote the work. This is a summary of Jofephus's history about this affair; whence every one must see, upon the flightest attention, how different Voltaire's account is from it. In this writer's representation, there is not one fyllable about the king's inquiry concerning the power of truth, nor about Zorobabel's decision in favour of its superior virtue and efficacy, which won him the applauses of the audience, and gained from the king the tendered prizes, together with the invitation to alk something additional. Nor is there in him any mention of the monarch's vow while in the station of a subject, probably through the ardour of his friendship to the prince of the captivity; which, together with this man's preference of truth to wine, and kings, and women, are set forth by Jofephus, as the cause of his favourable edict concerning the temple in Jerusalem. In all which, the author of the first book of Efdras agrees with him.---May I not then
+ See first Book of Esdras, chap. 3. and 4. Such, however, is
fay, how false and defective is his detail! how injurious to Jofephus! and how willing to be deceived must they be, who rely upon him as a safe guide in antient facts, which have any connection with religion!
SECTION V. Of his Falfhoods in his Detail of Josephus's Story
of Jaddua and ALEXANDER, in Chapter fortyfixth; together with his unjust Reflection on ROLLIN.
ET us next examine his forty-sixth Chapter,
in which he is angry with Rollin for copying from Josephus, that romance-writer, as he calls him, the story of Jaddua's procession to meet Alexander; and his exhibition of prophecies to him, which clearly indicated that he would conquer the kingdom of Persia; stiling the same absurd, and considering it as framed to raise his nation. But is he satisfied to produce this story as it stands in the Jewish author, and to dwell upon the real difficulties with which it is incumbered? No. He alters it; and then proposes
the proneness of some men to misrepresent things here, for the sake of a laugh, that I have seen in a foreign gazette, the same lame and defective account of the answer of the three officers to his Majesty Darius from this author, as Mr. Voltaire hath given us thereof from Josephus : while a poetical translation of the arguments of orator Zorobabel to prove the superior strength and power of the fair sex is concluded thus, ‘Thus far the eloquent Zorobabel. Be dumb ye modern • orators! Neither lord Mansfield or lord Chatham ever spoke such ' a speech.' Virginia Gazette, printed by Purdie and Dixon, May 25th, 1769.
vain and groundless cavils against it. Josephus *, says he, pretends that Alexander had, in a dream at Macedon, seen Jaddus the high-priest of the Jews;' (supposing there was a Jewish priest whose name terminated in us) that this priest had encou
raged him to undertake his expedition against the • Persians, and that this was the reason that Alexan
der had attacked Asia.' But how senseless this objection, from the termination of the high-priest's name in the narrative! Be it that us is not the termination of any man's name in the Hebrew language, does not every person, who is at all acquainted with Josephus, know that he varies the termination of the names of other persons, from what it is in that tongue in the same manner? and yet against their real existence, there never was, on this account, the smallest exception. Thus, + Joshua son of Josedec, is, with him, Jesus son of Josedeçus; Abiud is Abius, &c. why then might not Jaddua be also with him Jaddus, without creating any suspicion of his genuineness? Nor does he affirm that this high-priest suggested to Alexander the design of subduing Asia, as Mr. Voltaire's readers may naturally imagine: what Jofephus makes Alexander say, is, f. That, when he was de• liberating with himself how he would become inas? ter of Asia, he commanded him not to delay, but ' with confidence to pass over, fór he would lead his
army, and give him the empire of Persia. Mr. Voltaire goes on, “He could not then avoid going ' fix or seven days march out of his way, after the ! siege of Tyre, to visit Jerusalem.' This is by way of
* See the Philosophy of History, page 220. † Antiq. 11. 3. 10. and 3. 8. o. I ibid. 11. 8. 3. 4. 5.
farcasm, for he had said before, “ It was necessary, < after having made Tyre submit, not to lose a moó ment before he seized the post of Pelufium; so that, • Alexander having made a forced march to surprise " Gaza, he went from Gaza to Pelufium in seven
days. It is thus faithfully related by Arrian, Q. Cur
tius, Diodorus, and even Paul Orofius himself, ac+ cording to the journal of Alexander.' But is there really such cause for scoffing? Josephus, whose relation Voltaire means to ridicule, does not carry Alexander from the siege or conquest of Tyre to Jerufalem, which, as this city stood at no great distance on the left hand of the road from Tyre to Gaza, would have been more favourable for the story of his interview there, with the Jewish high-priest; on the contrary, his narrative is, “That, having settled af
fairs at Tyre, of which he became master after a siege of seven months, he marched to Gaza, and took it after fitting two months before it; and, that having destroyed this place, he haftened to go up
to the city of the Jerusalemitest;' which is making him turn backwards for several days; and, being inconsistent with that quick progress from Gaza to Pelufium, in which other historians agree, creates much embarassinent to those critics who maintain the truth of that visit. Why then does Mr. Voltaire lead his readers into a belief, that Josephus places his journey to Jerusalem before his attempt on Gaza? We may, however, easily forgive this misrepresentation of Josephus's sense, since he has probably been betrayed into it by following such modern writers as make this arrangement of it. For many think it
† Josephys's Antiq. 11. 8. 3. &c.