XXII. 1784. carded as incomplete. But their humiliation was BOOK yet more apparent in the address voted on the following day to the king, on the motion of Mr. Flood, in the name of the delegates of all the volunteers of Ireland, "expressive of their duty and loyalty, claiming the merits of their past exertions, and imploring the king that their humble wish to have certain manifest perversions of the parliamentary representation of that kingdom remedied by the legislature in some reasonable degree might not be attributed to any spirit of innovation, but to a sober and laudable desire to uphold the constitution, to confirm the satisfaction of their fellow subjects, and to perpetuate the cordial union of both kingdoms." This act of passive obedience and submission being ended, the convention adjourned sine die. So unexpected and extraordinary a termination of a business which had previously wore so menacing and formidable an aspect merits some attention. The convention probably did not at all expect a conduct so spirited and decisive on the part of the house of commons. If they resolved on the prosecution of their plan, in direct contravention to the declared sense of the house, the most alarming consequences might be expected to ensue. Exclusive of the personal risk which they must in that case necessarily incur as members of an illegal and TRAITOROUS assembly, they unques XXII. 1784. BOOK tionably neither wished themselves, nor was it by any means clear that their constituents were prepared to support them in any attempt, to subvert the established government by force. The prospect of ultimate advantage bore no proportion to the certainty and magnitude of the evil to be encountered. Another consideration of the greatest moment was, that this convention well knew they did not really possess the confidence of the nation, taking that term in its proper and most extensive sense. It was an undoubted fact that more than two thirds of the inhabitants of the kingdom were Catholics, who, if the proposed plan of reform had been adopted, would receive no benefit from it, and who were of course wholly indifferent as to the success of it. By some daring and decisive spirits it was indeed proposed, at the provincial meetings, to place the Catholics, in the new order of things, precisely upon the same footing with the Protestants. This would indeed have given irresistible weight to the application; but men capable of cool and sober reflection, though firm and zealous friends to safe and moderate reform, were with reason startled at the idea of so novel and hazardous an experiment.-The notion of abstract rights, founded on a false metaphysical theory, will never operate powerfully but on the minds of speculatists, who, remote from scenes of action and danger, "dream over books, and leave mankind unknown.” XXII. 1784. The real practical enquiry with the generality BOOK of persons on this grand question of UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE, as it undoubtedly ought to be on all occasions of a political nature, was-What will be the EFFECT PRODUCED? And it was obvious that the recognition of this claim would at once throw the entire power of the kingdom into the hands of the Catholics; and no credulity could surely reach that degree of infatuation, as to expect a body of men so ignorant, bigoted, and ferocious, as the collective mass of the Irish Catholics, to make a wise and temperate use of the power thus prepos terously put into their hands. To reform the government and constitution upon Protestant principles, and still to preserve the Protestant ascendancy, was all that, in present circumstances, the state of the kingdom would bear, and all that an enlightened benevolence would consequently aim to accomplish. A liberal and patriotic Protestant government would undoubtedly relieve the Catholics from all positive penalties, and grant them a participation of all civil rights and privileges consistent with a regard to its own safety. And in consequence of the gradual and certain diffusion of knowledge under a mild and beneficent government, there was good reason to hope that the time would at no very distant period arrive, when all distinctions might be safely and for ever extin guished. The national convention saw clearly BOOK the dilemma to which it was reduced; but they XXII. 1784. Mr. Flood's second mo tion of re form. chose what appeared to them the least of the two evils and rather than call in the aid of the great body of Catholics, without which their strength was unequal to the contest, they submitted quietly and tamely to the chastisement of that government whose authority they had insulted, and in a manner defied-incurring by this means the censure of the moderate for their violence, and of the violent for their moderation. The parliament of Ireland adjourned for the Christmas recess, on the 22d of December, 1783. Previous to their re-assembling, that memorable ministerial revolution had taken place in England which advanced Mr. Pitt to the helm of government; and the duke of Rutland had in conse quence superseded the earl of Northington in the viceroyalty of Ireland. On the 13th of March, 1784, Mr. Flood renewed his motion, as it was hoped, by the friends of parliamentary reform, under more favorable auspices-the new English minister having distinguished himself as one of its most eloquent and zealous advocates. Mr. Yelverton having been for his recent services promoted to the high station of lord chief-baron of the court of Exchequer, Mr. Fitzgibbon, who succeeded him in the office of attorney-general, opposed the present motion XXII. 1784. with equal zeal, though he allowed that, as it now BOOK came before the house in a regular and constitutional form, supported by numerous petitions from different parts of the kingdom, it was entitled to respect and attention. On the second reading it was nevertheless rejected on a division by 159 to 85 voices. This decision was received with secret satisfaction by those friends of reform who dreaded the emancipation of the Catholics, as an evil yet greater than the permanent predominance of the present system of influence and corruption. But the murmurs of the majority were distinctly heard. The Ulster volunteers, who had from the commencement of the business stood conspicuous in the van, presented on a subsequent occasion an address to their general, the earl of Charlemont, expressing "their satisfaction at the decay of those prejudices which had so long involved the nation in feud and disunion, which, by LIMITING THE RIGHTS OF SUFFRAGE, and circumscribing the number of their citizens, had in a great degree created and fostered the aristocratic tyranny, the source of every grievand against which the public voice now unanimously exclaimed." The earl of Charlemont, in reply, coldly professed himself "free from every illiberal prejudice against the Catholics, but he could not refrain from the most ardent entreaties to the volunteers to desist from a pursuit that ance, |