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of May, 1758, and died in the hotel at Paris, in the rue de Bourbon, on the morning of the 4th of April, 1817, after a long and excrutiating illness.

After having, at an early period of life, served three years at sea, he entered into the army of France, during the year 1775, when he joined the royal Italian regiment, in which his uncle was a captain.

He successively became commander of the second battalion of the van, colonel of the ci-devant regiment of la Sarre, and a general of Brigade and division in 1793. The ensuing year, he commanded a body of 20,000 men, charged with the expedition of Ouello, and the taking of Saorgio; he afterwards almost uniformly commanded the advanced guard of the army of Italy, took the principal part in its movements, and acquired the epithet of the Cherished Child of Victory.

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Hostilities recommencing in 1789, he, as commander of the army the Danube, made that memorable campaign which the battle of Zurich rendered at once so decisive and glorious: of which 70,000 prisoners were the trophies, and where he contended with those two great generals, Prince Charles and Marshal Suwarroff. He immediately afterwards took upon himself to conduct the wreck of the army of Italy, and acquired new reputation by the defence of Genoa, where his heroic bravery a second time conquered Italy.

After having sat in the legislative assembly, as deputy for the department of the Seine, he commanded the new army of Italy, in the campaign of 1805, and penetrated with it into Germany. He was after this entrusted with the conquest of the kingdom of Naples, when he was called into Poland, and returned to France on the peace of Tilsit.

In 1809, war again summoned him to the plains of Germany, where after several honorable actions, he received upon the field of Essling, the title of Prince, having there sustained the shock of the enemy's right, and thus saved the French army by his manoeuvres and his judgment. He afterwards bore a brilliant part in the battle of Wagram, during which, although sick and wounded, he was seen at the head of his troops, whom he animated, by his example..

His military career ended with the command of the army of Portugal, in 1810 and 1811, and where he again displayed the firmness of his character, in the midst of those difficulties which he surmounted. He has left a widow, two sons, and a daughter, who is married to Lieutenant General Count Reille, his eleve, and aid-de-camp, since

1793.

AMERICAN LITERATURE.

(FROM COBBETT'S REGISTER.)

A friend in America has sent me a pamphlet, lately published there, entitled, "The United States and England." The object of the

writer is a vindication of the people of America, from that foul and unwarranted abuse which the prostituted press of this country is in the constant practice of pouring out against every nation that refuses to acknowledge our superiority, and to bend to our imperious mandates. Were it true that England really enjoyed the liberty of the press, that it was to her like the air we breath," I might be tempted to republish this pamphlet in the Register, in order to show with what injustice and baseness the Americans, in particular, have been treated by our vile scribblers. But as freedom of discussion with us, means only to say as much evil as we like of other nations, whether enemies or not; to abuse them as long and as loud as you please; to call their brave and active soldiers and sailors worthless, lying, treacherous, false, slanderous, cowardly and vapouring heroes, with boasting on their loud tongues and terror in their quaking heart," and their chief magistrate an "ass, notorious for lying, for imposture of all kinds, and for barbarous warfare. When, I say, the press of this country, which boasts so much of its liberty, arrogates to itself the exclusive right of bespattering all whom it dislikes in this manner, while it consigns to the hand of an Attorney General the individual who would dare to justify the party injured, it would be extreme folly in me to run the risk of an experiment which I might, perhaps, repent all my lifeAlthough, however, I cannot give publicity to the whole of this interesting and very able pamphlet; although I cannot make the Register the vehicle of every part of a defence, which has been called for by the most cowardly and foulmouthed abuse, I shall give some extracts from it respecting the state of American literature; for even this has been made the subject of animadversion by the conductors of cur free press.

Nor have our newspapers stood alone in this species of attack.The writers of those contemptible things called Reviewers, have availed themselves of every opportunity of levelling their shafts at America on account of the state of her literature; without seeming to be aware of this fact, that. America, comparatively, is yet an infant state, and that, therefore, as to literary talent she is entitled to every consideration; that she cannot be judged of in this particular, by the same rules which determined the quantity and value of learning in this country; and that she ought not to be held destitute of li terary genius, when the means necessary to develope that genius have never been brought into play. One of the most virulent enemies which we have of American independence, is the pensioned writer who conducts the Quarterly Review. In the number of January, 1814, there appeared, what was called a criticism on a work, respecting America, entitled Inchiquin's letters' I have not scen this book; therefore I can give no opinion as to its merits or tendency. But whether the author gives a favorable, or an unfavorable view of the country about which he writes, is here of little consequence; for the critic has so contrived it, that, as far as his influence goes, nothing good which Inchiquin, or any person else, may have said of America, can be believed. It was to vindicate the people of America from the abuse and calumny contained in this criticism, that the pamphlet of The United States and England' was published. How far the writer bas succeeded, in every particular, the people of this country will,

perhaps, never be able to judge. But I am certain, that if the Americans continue to cherish the talent and genius they already possess for writing, (of which this pamphlet is no mean specimen,) they will soon rival us as much in works of Literature, as they already do in deeds of arms.

EXTRACT

Of a Letter from an English Gentleman to his friend in England,

WRITTEN IN THE YEAR 1816.

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With all the weakness of democracies, there was one feature of which was peculiarly striking in the United States. When with a small army, the fiscal exigencies of the state were publicly exposed ; when we irritated her vast borders, and our Machiavalian policy at Ghent, led them to expect immense land and sea forces, to devastate, burn and destroy," then the virtues of the people sprang up with an elasticity well worthy the cause of defending their household goods' The inhabitants of the forest, far from danger, poured to the scene of action, undisciplined, but of unconquerable spirit, to defend their brethren; and in the sea-ports, parties vied with cach other who should make the greatest sacrifices for their country.What a grand truth does this manifest to the Friend of Freedom, that the virtue of a republic compensates for its want of energy! I own that I feel proud that this was an English Colony, and when I think on the millions of Freemen that will, at no remote period, fill this land; the high station they will take, and the race of glory they have to run, I feel a secret pleasure, that the English Language will be a covenant thoughout a vast Empire.

SPEECH

DELIVERED BY

CHARLES PHILLIPS, ESQ.

At a Meeting of the Catholics of Ireland,
Held in Dublin, the 24th of January, 1815.

Having taken, in the concerns of your question, such humble share as was allowed to my station and my capacity, I may be permitted to offer my ardent congratulations on the proud pinnacle on which it this day reposes. After having combatted calumnies the most a'rocioussophistries the most plausible, and perils the most appalling, that slander could invent or ingenuity devise, or power array against you, I at length behold the assembled rank and wealth and talent of the catholic people offering to the legislature that appeal which cannot be rejected, if there be a power in heaven to redress injury, or a spirit on earth to administer justice; Faction may bark and bigotry may fulminate; but in the eye of reason, this earth never presented a more ennobbling spectacle than that of a christian country suffering for her religion with the patience of a martyr, and sueing for her liberties with the expostulations of a philosopher--reclaiming the bad by her piety-refuting the bigotted by her practice-wielding the apostle's weapons in the patriot's cause, and at length laden with chains and laurels, seeking from the country she has saved, the constitution she had shielded If ever there was a period when conces sion could be made, not only without danger but with dignity, it is the present.

Perhaps when France flourished with success, fired with ambition, and infuriated by enmity-her aim an universal conquest-her means the confederated resources of the continent-her guide, the greatest military genius a nation fertile in prodigies has produced--a man who seemed born to invert what had been regular-to de file what has been venerable, to crush what had been established, and to create, as by a magic impulse, a fairy world, peopled by the paupers he commanded into kings, and based on the thrones he had crumbled in his caprices. Perhaps when such a power, so led, so organized, and incited, was in its noon of triumph-the timid might tremble even at the change that would save, or the concession that would strengthen; but now, her allies faithless-her conquests despoiled--her territory dismembered--her legions defeated-her leader dethroned, and her reigning

prince, our ally by treaty, our debtor by gratitude, and our inalienable friend by every obligation of civilized society-the objection is our strength, and the obstacle our battlement.

Perhaps, when the pope was in the power of our enemy, however slender the pretext, bigotry might have rested on it-the inference was false as to Ireland, and it was ungenerous as to Rome. The Irish catholic, firm in his faith, bows to the pontiff's spiritual supremacy, but he would spurn the pontiff's temporal interference. If, with the spirit of an eartly domination, he was to issue to-morrow his despotic mandate, catholic Ireland, with one voice, would answer him-"Sire. we bow with reverence to your spiritual mission--the successor of St. Peter, we freely acknowledge you the head of our church and the origin of our creed; but sire, if we have a church, we cannot forget we also have a country; and when you attempt to convert your mitre into a crown, and your crozier into a sceptre, you degrade the majesty of your high delegation, and grossly miscalculate upon our submission; no foreign power shall regulate the allegiance we have sworn to our sovereign--it was the fault of our fathers that one pope forged our fetters*--it will be ours if we allow them to be rivetted by another." Such would be the answer of universal Ireland-such was her answer to the audacious rienial † who dared to dictate her unconditional submission to an act of parliament, which emancipated by penalties and redressed by insult. But, unfortunately for you, it did so happen, that the personal character of your pontiff gave your enemies an ample refutation. No splendor of promise could purchase, no threat of punishment could overpower him--he saw his capitol a garrison--his conclave banished--his grey hairs dragged with ignominy, and his aged frame emaciated amid dungeon damps, and wasted by a lingering martyrdom.

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He might have had a palace, but he chose a prison--he might have had a sceptre, but a preferred a scourge-he might have worn a diadem, but he took the wreath of thorns--happily to himself--thrice happily for the church he represented-the hour of his sufferings has passed away--but the memory of his fortitude will live for ever. the solitude of his dungeon was disheartening, yet, when the God he worshipped touched its door, he walked forth from the splendors of his captivity, the most independent potentate, the only christian prince of the continent, who had not in his turn bowed before the bloody divinity of Moloch. Thus then the phantom of a foreign interference has been banished by Ireland, and the very idea of its existence disproved by Rome. The people upon whom it was to act, deprecate its authority; and the power to which it was imputed, abhors its ambition--the pope would not exert it if he could, and the people would not acknowledge it if he did.

These objections refuted, a third started up, with reference to your faith; "it is an article of their creed," exclaims the bigot, "not to keep faith with herétics." In vain did your people disclaim the tenet; in vain did your prelate denounce it as unchristian; in vain did the most celebrated universities in Europe deny it as a most unfounded calumny,

* Nicholas Breakspear, an Englishunan, who took the title of Adrian IV, in 1154, made a grant of Ireland to Henry II. of England; which was confined by Pope Alexan Lord Castlereagh.

der III.

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