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LETTER

From an English Protestant Bishop,

ΤΟ

EDWARD HAY, ESQ.

An Irish Catholic Gentleman.

DEAR SIR,

That I sincerely lament the undeserved fate of your petition to parliament, you will very readily believe, nor do I claim any merit whatever, either with the catholics of England or Ireland, for feeling as I do on this occasion. In early life, I was taught by Locke and Hoadley (the greatest masters of religious, moral and political freedom, whom, perhaps, this or any other country ever produced,) that, consistenly with the principles of justice and sound policy, no good civil subject can be excluded from civil privileges on account of his religious opinions unless it be decidedly proved that those opinions are incompatible with the welfare of the State under which such subject may happen to live. The experience of what has occurred in Ireland for the last thirty years has impressed the lesson on my mind, in characters so strong, that nothing can entirely obliterate them; nor can the forgetfulness incident to old age materially impair them. The position itself is, indeed, in the abstract, so unanswerably true, that very few persons have the hardihood to deny it; but the application of it to the use of the Catholics, being totally repugnant to the narrow, selfish, and prejudiced of those who, either in or out of Parliament, oppose your just claims, they endeavour to avoid, by every possible chicanc, the inference which results from this application; one time they poorly quibbled upon the meaning of the word persecution; at another, they gravely tell us, that they entertain serious apprehensions for the security of the Protestant establishment in Church and State, though these apprehensions are so entirely groundless, that a man of common sense can hardly give them credit for sincerity when they say so.

Unable, in short, to assign any real cause for their pertinacious adherence to the present disabilities and penalties, they have recourse to suspicions, and to suspicions so injurious to the Catholics, and so disgracefull to those who harbour them, that I cannot prevail upon myself even to name them; such idle fears and jealousies would really be laughable, if it were not for the dangerous consequences of which (and at no very distant period) they must be productive to the peace and prosperity of an hitherto powerful, and, nominally an united

kingdom. For the greater danger to a State is (as the incomparable Mr. Burke remarks,) to render its subjects' justly discontented.'

Obvious as is the truth of this observation, our improvident legisla tors seem determined, year after year, not only to excite discontent and to outrage the feelings of more than four millions of the inferior ranks of the Catholics in Ireland, but to take pains to wound the honest pride of the independent catholic gentlemen, by excluding them from the lower house of parliament, though it is well known that there are many persons of that description, whose virtues and talents would add lustre to any assembly, however already respectable; nor would their admission into parliament be attended with any possible inconveni

ence.

To the noble descendant of an ancient catholic family they insultingly say, "Your ancestors, my lord, sat for ages in the house of peers and continued to do so until the four last years of Charles II. and you may do the same but to qualify yourself for this hereditary honour, you must first renounce your religion, or, at least an essential article of it. Acute and well informed catholic clergymen justly observe, that this treatment of the catholic peers resembles that which a christian experiences when taken prisoner by an Algerine corsair, who unfeelingly ties him to the car, and, when the captive complains of the persecution and cruelty which he endures, the corsair coolly replies, your sufferings are all of your own creation, abjure your faith become one of us, and you are free.' This language, in both cases, adds mockery to injustice. In the latter, the degree of persecution may, perhaps, be more severe; but the principle, in the former instance, is precisely the same.

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In the present state of society. it is impossible that a system só répugnant to the feeling and the understanding of an human being, who can either think or feel, should last long; thus far, every man, who attentively considers the subject, is agreed, but there is not the same agreement with respect to the best mode of securing that, which is the great object of both catholic and protestant dissenters, and also of many distinguished members of the church of England-I mean a complete ablition of all existing penalties and disabilities on thè scoré of speculativ: notions in religion. Upon this important point there seems to exist a material difference of opinion, if I am allowed to judge from the speeches of some very able and eloquent members of the catholic board, compared with the avowed sentiments of many of our most cordial and judicious friends on this side of the water.

The fact cannot be denied, and ought not to be disguised-for if any one great public measure called more loudly than another for the united exertions of all those, both in England and Ireland, who have pledged themselves to support it, this is that measure; because, without an earnest and zealous co-operation it must inevitably be lost, and with it we cannot fail of success. If, therefore, any plan can be proposed which promises to meet with the approbation and concurrence of all who have sincerely at heart the interest of that great cause which is unfortunately still at issue, every friend to civil and religious liberty must rejoice.

I am not silly enough to expect, or even for a moment to imagine, that the opinion of an unimportant individual, residing constantly in Egland, can have much weight with those who, both from local ad

vantages, and from far superior abilities, are well qualified to form an accurate judgment; but truth, however insignificant the quarter may be from which it proceeds, demands the attention of every sensensible and honest man; as such you will allow me to speak plainly what I know to be true.

The language of your last application to parliament appeared to many of our best friends, too high, and there were also clauses in it to which no member of the church of England would be easily brought to consent I allude particularly to that clause respecting Scholarships and Fellowships in our two universities-and without further retrospect, for I have not leisure to enter into a minute detail, permit me, with unfeigned deference to the sentiments of abler men, to suggest the expediency (whenever it shall be deemed advantageous to petition the legislature for the redress of the innumerable grievances under which you labour) of softening the expressions which you may find it necessary to make use of, as far, I mean, as is consistent with the spirit of men, who desire to be free; content yourselves with stating, frankly, but in general terms, those oppressive grievances, leaving the measure and the choice of the benefit to be conferred, and the grievances to be removed, to those in whose hand the constitution has lodged the power of conferring the one and removing the other. By a line of conduct like this, you may neither tamely surrender the sacred right of private judgment in all matters connected in any degree with religion, nor do you even compromise your own peculiar opinions. You merely do that which I conceive no less the interest than the duty of loyal subjects, like you, to do, upon all occasions -you submit your own judgment to the will of the legislature.

I am happy to add, that there seemed to be, during the late discussions in parliament, a decided conviction, that things can no longer remain as they are; but that it was indispensably necessary, and that soon, to legislate for the catholics, in the genuine spirit of legislation, without partiality, and without prejudice. When this is once done, every thing else will follow of course; and in a year or two, there will hardly be left a single protestant so blinded by bigotry, as to maintain a doctrine so repugnant to humanity and good sense, as that the security of any establishment civil or religious, can ever depend on the misery of those who live under it, or that its dangers can arise from its quiet or prosperity.

For my part, I have always thought, and shall never cease to think, that the best, the most efficient, and the only permanent security, either for church or state, or for him whom we consider as supreme head of both church and state, is the love and respect of the public. This security can alone be obtained by moderation, by lenity, by impartiality, by sincerity, by wisdom, and by justice. Take away this firm security, and every other (especially if disabilities and penalties have any share in it) is, to use the expressive language of the Roman orator, inviduorum, detestabiles imbecilum ducum.

Adieu-Believe me, dear Sir, sincerely yours,
H. NORWICH.

EXTRACT

FROM THE SPEECH OF

MR. LID WELL,

Delivered at a public Meeting in Dublın.

Moderation was a good word, and no man could urge the observance of it more strongly than he could; it was only in the application he differed with those men who latterly had become so enamoured with that quality. He would recommend moderation; but it was to the oppressor not to the oppressed-he would recommend it to power not to slavery--he would urge the observance of it to the man in office, bloated and corpulent from the contributions of struggling industry and scanty resources; but he would not insult by the mockery of such a term, the half famished tradesman and houseless wanderer. He might urge moderation to the envious monopolist possessing all that is valuable and honourable in the state; but he could not feel much surprised, if he did not meet with an abundance of that cold quality in the laudable ambitious youth, who ripened most sorely to repine to find his talents crampt and his energies trodden down by obstacles, which God and nature gave him those energies to contend with and to conquer. But he asked should he urge moderation to the Catholic-to the Catholic excluded from office, persecuted by an armed banditti-to the catholic who was to contend against systematic prejudice and corruption, to the catholic, whose every action is watched with a jaundiced eye; whose words are often misconceived, still more often misrepresented; whose conduct every hireling may calumniate with impunity and atribute to motives, as repugnant to the principles of the sect, as they are congenial to the bosom of the slanderer. He again asked if moderation should be urged to the cathor lic, who is nearly hunted from society! or if, under some circumstances, admitted, entering into it with caution in his footstep, and a badge of disrepute fanning about his neck? He desired to be confuted, if those were exaggerations. Look to every establishment from which you can be excluded! what catholic is now placed on a grand jury, unless he has supported the enemies of his country and his religion. For the last four years, what catholic has been appointed to the commission of the Peace, with, perhaps, a solitary, and no very creditable exception.

ON TITLES.

Extract of a Letter from General Charles Lee, to Patrick Henry,

Virginia.

Henry, Governor

of

There is a barbarism crept in among us that extremely shocks me, I mean those tensil epithets, with which (I come in for my share) we are so beplaistered; his excellency, and his honor; the honorable President of the congress, of the honorable convention. This fulsome, nauseating cant may be well enough adapted to barbarous monarchies, or to gratify the unadulterated pride of the magnifici in pompous aristocracies; but in a great, free, manly, equal commonwealth, it is quite abominable; for my own part, I would as lief they should put ratsbane into my mouth, as the excellency with which I am daily crammed. How much more true dignity was there in the simplicity of address among the Romans! Marcus Tullius Cicero, Decimo Bruto Imperatori, or Caio Marcello Consuli-than to his excellency, Major-General noodle, or to the Honorable John doodle. My objections are perhaps trivial and whimsical; but for my soul I cannot help starting them. If, therefore, I should sometimes address you without the excellency tacked, you must not esteem it a mark of personal or official disrespect, but the reverse.

LETTER

FROM

MARSHAL MONCEY,

ΤΟ

LOUIS XVIII.

On his refusal to sit on the Court-Martial for the

TRIAL OF MARSHAL NEY.

SIR,

Will your majesty permit me to raise my feeble voice to you? Will it be permitted to one who has never deviated from the path of honor, to call the attention of his sovereign to the dangers that menace his

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