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liverance of our country. From that moment, nothing could, and most assuredly, from that moment, nothing ought, to unsettle the temper of Ireland. If prejudice most existed where it was most to be lamented, I speak from my own observations, the people, still treated with reverence, what they could not regard with affectionif, for the moment, their hearts were turned aside, by distrust or unkindness, they did not give themselves up to vindictive, to personal or unworthy feelings. Dying, my own countrymen, I can honestly say,

I saw with what a brow you braved your fate;

Yet with what mildness bore your father's hate.

What se

This, gentlemen, the Irish protestant, the protestant of open heart, did for his country. The consequence is obvious, and, indeed, may be said to be more in the nature, even than in the reason of man. He, who is the benefactor, must become the idol of his countryhe who breaks the chain must win the heart of the captive. curity has the Irish protestant demanded of the Catholic? That security, which armies, whips, or goals, or gibbets cannot give-the affection of those whom he protects--the gratitude of those whom he employs--the confidence of those whom he is too great, too generous, too brave to distrust. Mr. Canning, who is a subaltern in the Corps Diplomatique of Lord Castlereagh, was not to be settled with, upon this absurd and inconceiveable question of security. His excellency tied up the whole of the Catholics of Ireland by a long string of securities! The protestant asked for no security; but this same Mr. George Canning, who is the faithful advocate, who loves the Irish Catholics, be it now known to the people of Leinster, Munster, Ulster, and Connaught, in talking of the Irish Catholics, absolutely talked as much of securities, as if his excellency were treating with an enemy! Gentlemen, such conduct must fire the mind of every Irishman; but it is the peculiar infirmity of this unlucky man, either to fall short of, or to over-act his part, and what has been the consequence? In Liverpool he availed himself of all the helps and expedients he could pick up from the refuse of one party, as well as the good will of the other; but he maintained no singleness of view or character. The friend of Mr. Pitt, it would be uncandid to disguise or to suppress the fact, supported him honestly and from principle: I mention them with honour and with unaffected respect, but some of the avowed opponents of that distinguished man, from the grossest views of interest, and the pressing exigencies of mercantile speculations at that time, basely trampled upon the honourable distinctions of party, and all those free, noble, and virtuous habits, which from your national character, those habits and that part which won the approbation and excited the astonishment of those illustrious strangers, who were lately amongst you-those feelings which are held sacred, not merely upon the high principle of honour, for that no one expecte, but which are inviolabic even to the rudest integrity of man-with contempt and even hatred of their own vile interests, they cruely trampled under foot, that moral nature, those circumstances, those imperceptible powers which pervade and encompass you, viewless and subtile as the winds, but most potent in the formation of

character, keeping you ever active and alive to your own honour, and that of your nation--in fact, that genius of our country, that virtue of the land, and those high spirits, which, under due and wise regulations, enter upon and adorn all the walks of private, as well as public life, and which, by this collected force and splendour, constitute at once the security, the pride and glory of our Island! This is the miserable and frantic work of the apostate, the most despised, the most odious and hateful character in society. Gentlemen, in ages, the fate of decayed states and statesmen, has been pretty much alike. Mr. Canning was respected whilst he acted with faith and honour to his friends, and the Greeks preserved their greatness until they lost their virtue.

I will now turn from this to a more important subject, and here I must confess myself at a loss in what terms to speak openly-still more at a loss in what terms to congratulate you upon the state of your country. The blessings of peace come so thick upon us, that I fear they will soon be quite insupportable. This is rather a novel situation. In war, our fleets and armies encircle and protect the Island with a stream of fire, but what is the nature of that peace which calls for additional burthens?-what is the stamp or character of that government which derives its own essential power, and seeks its own conversation from the public expenditure? Gentlemen, I make no invidious distinction between two great and ascendant parties of the state, there are some honest and illustrious exceptions; for whilst they both, with equal force, opposed our efforts to purify the institutions of our country from the open and avowed guilt of corruption, and the anomolous and unconstitutional formation, as well as purposes of these institutions, however, in matters of foreign policy they may be separated by difference of opinion, it is quite clear that in greater matters they are confederated by similarity of design. Why, Gentlemen, as things go on now, when you hear of great salaries connected with appointments, as we are told by high authority, wholly destitute of any useful functions-whether those appointments be to Lisbon or elsewhere, what is it but a signal to fall upon the public property? Reflect for a moment, upon the cbsequious flatteries offered by Mr. Canning, in the face of his country to the administration which he attempted to undermine-pursue the course and look to the fate of the fallen man, like a state pauper, he pushed at the door, he struck his ladder against the window of every minister, but he could not get in-he was troublesome-and harrassed with his mendicant and vexatious importunity, they gave him money, and like a beggar, he went away. Gentlemen, I will venture, to say, that this sentiment, which at the expense of some taste, is strengthened to meet the occasion, is deeply and indignantly felt by our opponents; for it would be moustrous to suppose, that all is worthy (and by that word, I conclude all that is earnest and disinterested among them) do not as anxiously desire the good of their country as you do. They very well know, that the two great litigants, the ins and outs, are mainly concerned in seeking the personal gratifications of avarice and ambition ;—and, that however the contest may finally issue, the expense of the suit must be paid by the country,

But though, in this great point, we are of the same minds of our opponents, still they say we are discontented! It is false. We are

discontented! It is false. We are satisfied with the institutions, The sum total, I believe, of all our wishes and our efforts, is to bring into life and practice the monumented liberties of England. We do not, we cannot, desire that those liberties should slumber in the sepulchres of our fathers. In what way can we be opposed to the interests or to any of the rights of our country. For maritime superiority, and surely superiority in itself is not injustice, I am convinced we should, as obstinately contend as any men. We can never stoop to stipulate or bargain about our security, for if security itself be a right, we can never separate such a right from that power upon which it must rest for protection. In this view, the anchor of England must for ever be, deep in the ocean-in this view alone, believe my solemn attestation, your country can only look for happiness or even for safety; and from this view, whilst life endures to me, no abstraction, however ingenious or beautiful, shall ever lead me aside. But, Gentlemen, though as a means of security, I could not prefer the justite of other states before our power, which, in itself, is wholly independent of unjust assumptions and delusive appearances, yet I should wish to see that power so affirmed that other nations. might have as little reason to question our principles, as to threaten our security. I really cannot see how that power can be weakened either by tempering our manners, or restraining our violence towards other states; and I am confident that the personal rancour and hatred into which the American war is so wantonly and cruelly mixed up, and which but ill associates with our affected contempt of that great, free, and interesting community, can have no other effect than that of giving to the minister, the power of continuing the war beyond the period of its natural termination. I must confess too, that the minister gives to my mind, a very uncertain assurance of the interest he takes in the happiness or progress of society, who could deliberately waste the resources of his country, either in building up and consolidating the free and tolerant monarchy of Spain, or in breaking down, and giving to the winds the bigotted and despotic republic of America! Gentlemen, I am entirely convinced that the anger subsisting between the governments of America and England, and there are faults on both sides, forms no good ground for the war which the people of these countries are madly and attrociously waging against each other's lives and interests. That war may almost be said to have had no first principle, it arose out of accidental circumstances, and a policy unconnected with the views or wishes of either country;-but, these circumstances and bad policy being now of no force whatever, and it being completely in our power to return to a state of peace, and of unaltered relations, with America, (a state surely better than the state we are in) the fault will be mainly with ourselves if we do not, with stern and determined voice, call upon those who administered them in that way which must teach other na tions rather to admire and respect, than to hate and distrust us.

These Gentlemen, are views and sentiments, and bitterly do I regret my inability to urge them more powerfully; but from the feelings which they have called forth, I enjoy an honest and proud consolation, to find myself in perfect agreement with men, who, like the great one who has just disappeared from amongst us, great in

mind, great in integrity, though of humble station amongst us, my beloved, my honoured friend, the revered, the loved and lamented RUSHTON, the man who in high and proud disdain of the influence of times, persons or circumstances, maintained through life, an unshaken fidelity to the great imperishable principles of public liberty.

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE

OF THE LATE

ARCHBISHOP CARROLL.

(FROM THE BALTIMORE TELEGRAPH.)

DIED, on the 4th instant, (December, 1815,) the Most Reverend Doctor JOHN CARROLL, Arch-Bishop of Baltimore, in the 80th year of his age.

When such a man as Arch-Bishop Carroll dies-a man who filled so large a space in the public eye, and leaves so great a void in the community, something more than a mere notice of the event is justly expected. Without presuming, therefore, at this time, to enter into a detailed account of his long and useful life, or to pourtray at large the features of his distinguished character, a brief and very imperfect biographical memoir of this illustrious individual is now given, which is submitted to the public, in the hope and expectation, that it will soon be gratified with a much fuller and more satisfactory account of his life and character, from some more skilful and competent

hand.

Arch-Bishop Carroll was born at Upper Marlborough, in the State of Maryland, in the year 1725, and was sent at the age of ten or twelve years to a grammar school at Bohemia, in Cecil county.Even at this early period he gave striking presages of his future worth and eminence, by the mildness and innocence of his manners, his docility and assiduity.

From this school he was sent to the college of St. Omers, in France, where, after going through the studies of that celebrated institution, with the most distinguished success and honors, he was transferred to the college of Licge, and was there ordained a priest; and after

surrendering his patrimonial estate to his brother, he became a member of the society of Jesus. Upon the dissolution of that society, he acted as the secretary to the dispersed fathers, in their remonstrances to the court of France, respecting the temporal interests of the abolished order. For this station he was peculiarly qualified, as well by his distinguished learning and talents, as by the remarkable purity and elegance of his style, in the French as well as Latin language.

He then went to England, and was selected by the late lord Stourton (a Catholic Nobleman) to accompany his son, the present lord Stourton, as his preceptor and governor, on the tour of Europe.During this tour, he wrote a concise and interesting history of England, for the use of his pupil, still preserved in manuscript. He also kept a journal of his travels, which strikingly displays that good sense, sound judgment, and enlightened intelligence, which ever distinguished him.

Upon his return to England, he resided for some time in the family of lord Arundel (another Catholic Nobleman); but upon approach of the revolutionary war, he withstood the earnest and pressing solicitations of his noble and bencficent patron, and came back to his native country.

Shortly after his return, at the request of the American Congress, he accompanied Dr. Franklin, Charles Carroll of Carrollton (his relative and friend) and the late Judge Chase, on a political mission to Canada. And throughout the arduous and hazardous conflict which ensued, he remained fervently attached to the cause of his country.

He did not, at any time, however, neglect his clerical duties, the primary object of his care and solicitude. Upon his arrival in his native country, he lost no time in taking upon himself the laborious care of several Catholic congregations, widely separated from each other; where his memory is cherished with the most enthusiastic affection.

Some time after the establishment of our Independence, the Catho⚫ lic body in the country, (before that time subject to a spiritual heirarchy in England) solicited the Pope, to erect the United States into an episcopal see; and the subject of this memoir was nominated to the sovereign Pontiff as the Bishop. There was no hesitation on the part of the Pope, to whom his character and talents were well known, in confirming the nomination. At a later and recent period, at the solicitation of the Catholic clergy of his diocese, he was raised to the dignity of Arch-Bishop. In the exercise of his sacred functions, he displayed a spirit of conciliation, mildness, and christian humility which greatly endeared him to those under his charge.

His manners and deportment in private life were a model of the clerical character; dignified, yet simple, pious, but not austere.This secured him the affectionate attachment of his friends, and the respect of all.

In him, religion assumed its most attractive and venerable form, and his character conciliated for the body, over which he presided, respect and consideration from the liberal, the enlightened and the virtuous of all ranks and denominations ;-for they saw that his life accorded with the benign doctrines of that religion which he professed.

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