TRIBUTE

TO

THOMAS MOORE,

THE IRISH POET.

(From the Edinburgh Review, for December, 1313.)

"The tendency of poetry to become national, was in more than one case remarkable. While the Scottish middle age inspired the most Popular poet of the 18th century, the national genius of Ireland at length found a poetical representative, whose exquisite ear and flexible fancy, wantoned in all the varieties of poetical luxury, from the levities to the fondness of love, from polished pleasantry, to ardent passion; and from the social joys of private life, to a tender and inournful patriotism, taught by the melancholy fortunes of an illustrious country; with a range adapted to every nerve in the composition of a people susceptible of all feelings which have the colour of generosity, and more exempt, probably, than any other, from derading and unpoetical views."

Observations on the above by the Irish editor.

It is a circumstance of regret, that the subject of the above com→ mentary, expressed in such ingenious compliment, is an absentee from his native country; but it is, at the same time, a gratification to know, that the most distinguished genius of our time, and our counzryman, is admired and caressed in the sister kingdom, in a degree proportioned to his admirable talents, as an author and a social companion. The most eminent in rank, station, and literature, in Engand, pay the deference of their regard and friendship to Mr. Moore *ning, taste, and science, associate wherever he is to be found. he spirit of kindred genius has united him in the closest familiarity with the accomplished author of the Pleasures of Memory, whose late work excited the review from which we have made the extract; Lord Byron, and others most distinguished by their literary productions ; and the latter nobleman especially, whose partiality is a high testimony of merit, selected our Irish bard, for the honour of dedicating to him his late beautiful poem of " The Corsair."

EXTRACT

From an Oration, delivered on the 4th of July, 18:6,

BY SELECK OSBORN, ESQ.

Beloved and venerated fathers of your country! Long may your descendants set apart this day, for an annual tribute to your sublime virtues Though patriotism should expire and liberty wither-

though anarchy and despotism should overwhelm this land of freedom, your laurels would survive the desolation, and serve to mark the spot where virtue once triumphed, and where once flourished all that was dignified in the human character! Though degeneracy should waste our nation, tyranny prowl amidst the political desert, and the reptiles of corruption hiss among the fragments of moral ruin, --your names would stand, like lonely columns, to show where men, 'high minded men,' once stood erect, in all the majesty of their spe

cies!

VIEW OF AMERICA.

(FROM THE EDINBURG REVIEW.)

We now draw to the close of these observations; and indeed there is but one point which we are anxious to bring before our readers.➡ America is destined, at all events, to be a great and powerful nation. In less than a century, she must have a population of at least seventy or eighty millions. War cannot prevent, and it appears by experi ence, can scarcely retard this natural multiplication. All these people will speak English; and, according to the most probable conjectur will, live under free governments, whether republican or monarchia and will be industrious, well educated, and civilized. Within në very great distance of time, therefore, within a period to whic those who are now entering life may easily survive, America will in one of the most powerful and important nations of the earth; an her friendship and commerce will be more valued, and of greater consequence, in all probability, than that of any one European state. England had, we even think she still has-great and peculiar advantages for securing to herself this friendship and this commerce. A common origin--a common language-a common law--a common enjoyment of freedom--all seem to point them out to each other as natural friends and allies. What then shall we say of that short sighted and fatal policy, that, for such an object as we have been endeavouring to expect, should sow the seeds of incurable hostility between two such countries--put rancour in the vessel of their peace, and fix in the deep foundations and venerable archives of their history, to which for centuries their eyes will be revitted, the monuments of English enmity and American valour, on the same conspicuous tablet -binding up together the sentiments of hate to England, and love to America, as counterparts of the same patriotic feeling--and mingling in indissoluble association, the memory of all that is odious in our history, with all that is glorious in theirs? Even for the insignificant present, we loose more by the enmity of America than can be made up to us by the friendship of all the rest of the world. We loose the largest and most profitable market for our manufactures--and we train up a nation, destined to so vast an increase, to do without those

commodities with which we alone can furnish them, and from the use of which nothing but a course of absolute hostility could have weaned them. But these present disadvantages, we confess, are trifling compared with those which we forego for futurity; and when we consider that by a tone of genuine magnanimity, moderation, and cordiality, we might at this very crisis, have laid the foundation of unspeakable wealth comfort, and greatness to both countries, we own that it requires the recollection of all our prudent resolutions about coolness and conciliation, to restrain us from speaking of the contrast afforded by our actual conduct, in such terms as it might be spoken of;--as, if the occasion calls for it, we shall not fear to speak of it hereafter.

The Americans are not liked in this country; and we are not going to recommend them as objects of our love. We must say, however, that they are not fairly judged of by their newspapers. The greater part of the polished and intelligent Americans appear little on the front of public life, and make no figure in her external history. But there are thousands of true republicans in that country, who, till lately, have never felt any thing towards England but the most cordial esteem and admiration; and to whom it has been the bitterest of all mortifications that she has at last disappointed their reliance on the generosity and magnanimity of her councils, belied their predictions of her liberality, and justified the execrations which the factious and malignant formerly levelled at her in vain. This is the party too, that is destined ultimately to take the lead in that country, when the increase of the population shall have lessened the demand for labour, and, by restoring the natural influence of wealth and intelligence, converted a nominal democracy into a virtual aristocracy of property, talents and reputation; and this party, whom we might have so honourably conciliated, we first disgusted, by the humiliating spectacle of a potent british fleet battering down magnificent edifices unconnected with purposes of war, and then packing up some miserable hogsheads of tobacco, as the ransom or the plunder, we disdain to, remember which, of a defenceless village, and afterwards roused to more serious indignation by an unprincipled demand for an integral part of their territory.

We have said enough, however--and more perhaps than enoughon this unpopular subject; for there is, or at least has been, till very lately, a disposition in the country to abet the government in its highest tone of defiance and hostility to America. While it was supposed that our maritime rights were at issue, this was natural--and it was lamentable; nor shall the time ever come when we shall cease to applaud that spirit which is for hazarding all, rather than yielding one atom of the honour and dignity of England to foreign menace or violence. Since this question of our maritime rights, however, has been understood to be waved by America, we think we can perceive a gradual wakening of the public to a sense of the injustice and the danger of our pretensions. There are persons, no doubt, and unfortunately neither few nor inconsiderable--to whom war is always desirable, and who may be expected to do what they can to make it perpetual. The tax-gatherers and contractors, and those who, in still higher stations, depend for power and influence on the appointment and multiplication of such offices, are naturally downcast at the

prospect of a durable pacification;-and hail with joy, as they foment with industry, every symptom of national infatuation by which new contests, however hopeless and however sanguinary, may be brought upon the country. But the sound and disinterested part of the community--those who pay the taxes, and the contractor, and the minister--ought, one would think, to have a very opposite feeling ;— and it is to them that these observations are addressed-not to influence their passions, but to rouse their understandings, and to make one calm appeal to their judgment and candour from paltry prejudices and vulgar antipathies.

Why the Americans are disliked in this country, we have never been able to understand; for most certainly they resemble us far more than any other nation in the world. They are brave, and boastful, and national, and factious like ourselves; about as polished as ninetynine in one hundred of our own countrymen in the upper ranks-and at least as moral and well educated in the lower. Their virtues are such as we ought to admire--for they are those on which we value ourselves most highly and their very faults seem to have some claim to our indulgence, since they are those with which we also are reproached by third parties. We see nothing then from which we can suppose this prevailing dislike of them to originate but a secret grudge at them for having asserted, and manfully vindicated, their independence. This, however, is too unworthy a feeling to be avowed: and the very imputation of it should stimulate us to overcome the prejudices by which it is suggested. The example of the sovereign on this occasion, is fit for the imitation of his subjects. Though notoriously reluctant to part with this proud ornament of his crown, it is known that his majesty, when convinced of the necessity of the mea sure, made up his mind to it with that promptitude and decision which belong to his character--and which indicated themselves, long after, in the observation which we believe he was in the practice of addressing to every ambassador from the United States, at their first audience--"I was the last man in my kingdom, sir, to acknowledge your independence; and I shall be the last to call it in question!"

€

SPEECH

OF

MR. CASEY,

DELIVERED IN DECEMBER, 1814,

TO THE LIVERPOOL CONCENTRIC SOCIETY.

When the toast of "Mr. CASEY, and the Sister Island," was given,

Mr. CASEY said "In connecting my name with the Sister Island,

you pay me that compliment which is most flattering to the pride, and most congenial to the feelings of an Irishman; but, gentlemen, in speaking of that country, which is far dearer to me in hope, than to you in possession; even whilst you honour me with the name of the Sister Island, I should indeed be a hypocrite, if I did not plainly tell you, that you treat your sister too rudely and roughly. I must, however, cherish the hope, that this treatment will not be of long duration; for surely that most gracious personage, the Regent, cannot deny to Ireland what he has, with so much discrimination, bestowed upon the kingdom of Hanover-a free constitution-Really, gentlemen, the plain and evident difference between Hanover and Ireland, is, that the interests of the one have perpetually involved you in those broils and sacrifices, from which the bravery of the other has ever been prompt to aid in your deliverance. I, therefore, say, that these despicable interests, and the slavish habits of Hanover, must not be compared to that country which feeds you, and which fights for you. It would be monstrous to compare the vile and abject nature of the unconscious slave, to the vital, the innate spirit, which rests in a nation's mind-the hope and hereditary determination, the stoutheartedness of a people, over whose heads upwards of six centuries have rolled, without gilding the sceptre of the conqueror. I am fully aware, that it is not necessary to address you upon this subject; but, through you, I wish to address my countrymen, in the language of affection and moderation. I wish to tell them that they have duties to execute, which no board or body can execute for them; that, whatever they seek, must now be sought with temper and fortitude, wholly unmixed with party violence; that as they aim at objects, which interest the whole country, they must move in procuring those objects; -that, as the talents, wealth, and morals of Ireland, are necessarily distributed in unequal proportions, each part must sustain its own share in this grand national movement. That it is not by collecting a crowd in a capital, however distinguished by ability or character (and some of them I know, honour and respect,) that they can exhibit to the government, a fair and faithful image of the public feeling. I call upon, and invoke my country, not to waste her power in idle broils, or unavailing efforts, but, above all, not to lose her own high place, not to drift her dignity, by meanly putting her great cause into trust, commission, or delegation. Let the inhabitants of every city, town, and village, act for themselves--they can command the protection, and even win the favour, of the constituted authorities, and the wealth and worth that surround them-let them thus advance their cause, from point to point, by the progressive dignity of their own movement-let them do this, and soon, very soon, they will outgrow the size, and even subdue the spirit, of the most rancorous, degenerate, and unnatural hostility, that ever disfigured or disgraced a nation. Of this, gentlemen, I feel quite confident, for, without putting forth any great claim to political sagacity, or any very deep views into human nature, I have always found government wise, aye, good soul and kind enough too, to confer with grace, what it cannot refuse with convenience. Already the Protestants of Ireland, certainly those highest in dignity, wealth, talent, and reputation, amongst the order of nobility, and the great landed and commercial interests, have, with generous profusion, poured forth their prayers for the de