ent with the safety of the white population. Willingly, therefore, will I submit to an evil, which we cannot safely remedy. I admitted all that had been said of the danger of having free blacks visible to slaves, and, therefore, did not hesitate to pledge myself, that I would neither advise nor attempt coercive manumission. But, sir, all these reasons cease when we cross the banks of the Mississippi, a newly acquired territory, never contemplated in the formation of our government, not included within the compromise or mutual pledge in the adoption of our constitution-a new territory acquired by our common fund, and ought justly to be subject to our common legis lation. Sir, extend your view across the Mississippi, over your newly acquired territory; a territory so far surpassing, in extent, the limits of your present country, that that country which gave birth to your nation, which achieved your revolution, consolidated your union, formed your constitution, and has subsequently acquired so much glory, hangs but as an appendage to the extended empire over which your Look down the republican government is now called to bear sway, long vista of futurity; see your empire, in extent unequalled; in advantageous situation without a parallel, and occupying all the valuable part of our continent. Behold this extended empire, inhabited by the hardy sons of American freemen, ́knowing their rights, and inheriting the will to protect them; owners of the soil on which they live, and interested in the institutions which they labour to defend; with two oceans laving your shores, and tributary to your purposes; bearing on their bosoms the commerce of your people; cornpared to yours, the governments of Europe dwindle into insignificance, and the whole world is without a parallel. But, sir, reverse this scene; people this fair dominion with the slaves of your planters; extend slavery, this bane of man, this abomination of heaven, over your extended empire, and you prepare its dissolution; you turn its accumulated strength into positive weakness; you cherish a canker in your breast; you put poison in your bosom; you place a vulture on your heart-nay, you whet the dagger and place it in the hands of a portion of your population, stimulated to use it, by every tie, human and divine. The envious contrast between your happiness, and their misery; between your liberty, and their slavery, must constantly prompt them to accomplish your destruction. Your eneAs ofmies will learn the source and the cause of your weakness. ten as external dangers shall threaten, or internal commotions await you, you will then realize, that, by your own procurement, you have placed amidst your families, and in the bosom of your country, a population producing, at once the greatest cause of individual danger and of national weakness. With this defect, your government must crumble to pieces, and your people become the scoff of the world. Sir, we have been told, with apparent confidence, that we have no right to annex conditions to a state, on its admission into the union; and it has been urged that the proposed amendment, prohibiting the further introduction of slavery, is unconstitutional. This position, asserted with so much confidence, remains unsupported by any argument, or by any authority derived from the constitution itself. The constitution strongly indicates an opposite conclusion, and seems to contemplate a difference between the old and the new states. The practice of the government has sanctioned this difference in many respects. The third section of the fourth article of the constitution says, "new states may be admitted by the congress into this union ;" and it is silent as to the terms and conditions upon which the new states may be so admitted. The fair inference from this silence, is, that the congress which might admit, should prescribe the time, and the ierms of such admission. The tenth section of the first article of the constitution says, "the migration or importation of such persons as any of the states, NOW EXISTING, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress prior to the year 1808." The words "now existing" clearly show the distinction for which we contend. The word slave is no where mentioned in the constitution; but this section has always been considered as applicable to them, and unquestionably reserved the right to prevent their importation into any new state before the year 1808. Sir, we have been told, that this is a new principle, for which we contend, never before adopted, or thought of. So far from this being correct, it is due to the memory of our ancestors to say, it is an old principle, adopted by them, as the policy of our country. Whenever the United States have had the right and the power, they have heretofore prevented the extension of slavery. The states of Kentucky and Tennessee were taken off from other states, and were admitted into the union without condition, because their lands were never owned by the United States. The territory northwest of the Ohio is all the land which ever belonged to them. Shortly after the cession of those lands to the Union, congress passed in 1787, a compact which was declared to be unalterable, the sixth article of which provides, that "there shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said territory, otherwise than in the punishment for crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted." In pursuance of this compact, all the states formed from that territory have been admitted into the union upon, various considerations, and amongst which, the 6th article of this compact is included as one. Let gentlemen also advert to the Jaw for the admission of the state of Louisiana into the union; they will find it filled with conditions. It was required not only to form a constitution upon the principles of a republican government, but it was required to contain the "fundamental principles of civil and religious liberty." It was even required as a condition of its admission, to keep its records and its judicial and legislative proceedings in the English language; and also to secure the trial by jury, and to surrender all claim to unappropriated lands in the territory, with the prohibition to tax any of the United States' lands. After this long practice and constant usage to annex conditions to the admission of a state into the union, will gentlemen yet tell us it is unconstitutional, and talk of our principles being novel and extra ordinary? It has been said, that, if this amendment prevails, we shall have an union of states possessing unequal rights. And we have been asked, whether we wished to see such a "chequered union ?” Sir, we have such an union already. If the prohibition of slavery is the denial of a right, and constitues a chequered union, gladly would I behold such rights denied, and such a chequer spread over every state in the union. It is now spread over the states northwest of the Ohio, and forms the glory and the strength of those states. I hope it will be extended from the Mississippi to the Pacific ocean. The zeal and the ardour of gentlemen, in the course of this debate, has induced them to announce to this house that if we persist and force the state of Missouri to accede to the proposed amendment, as the condition of her admission into the union, she will disregard it, and, as soon as admitted, will alter her constitution, and introduce slavery into her territory. Sir, I am not now prepared, nor is it necessary to determine, what would be the consequence of such a violation of faith--of such a departure from the fundamental condition of her admission into the union. I would not cast upon a people so foul an imputation, as to believe they would be guilty of such fraudulent duplicity. The states northwest of the Ohio have all regarded the faith and the condition of their admission; and there is no reason to believe the people of Missouri will also not regard theirs. But, sir, whenever a state admitted into the union shall disregard and set at naught the fundamental conditions of its admission, and shall, in violation of all faith, undertake to levy a tax upon the lands of the United States, or a toll upun their navigable waters, or introduce slavery, where congress have prohibited it, then it will be in time to determine the consequence. But, sir, if the threatened consequences were known to be the certain result, yet would I insist upon the proposed amendment. The declaration of this house, the declared will of the nation, to prohibit slavery would produce its moral effect, and stand as one of the brightest ornaments of our country. Sir, it has been urged, with great plausibility, that we should spread the slaves now in our country, and thus spread the evil, rather than confine it to its present districts. It has been said, we should thereby diminish the dangers from them, while we increase the means of their living, and augment their comforts. But, sir, you may rest assured that this reasoning is fallacious, and that, while slavery is admitted, the market will be supplied Our coast and its contiguity to the West-Indies and the Spanish possessions, render easy the introduction of slaves into our country. Our laws are already highly penal against their introduction, and yet, it is a well known fact, that about fourteen thousand slaves have been brought into our country this last year. Sir, since we have been engaged in this debate, we have witnessed an elucidation of this argument, of bettering the condition of slaves, by spreading them over the country. A slave driver, a trafficker in human flesh, as if sent by Providence, has passed the door of your capitol, on hfs way to the west, driving before him about fifteen of those wretched victims of his power. The males, who might raise the arm of vengeance, and retaliate for their wrongs, were handcuffed, and chained to each other, while the females and children were marched in their rear, under the guidance of the driver's whip! Yes, sir, such has been the scene witnessed from the windows of congress hall, and viewed by members who compose the legislative councils of republican America. Sir, in the course of the debate on this subject, we have been told that, from the long habit, of the southern and western people, the possession of slaves has become necessary to them, and an essential requisite in their living. It has been urged, from the nature of the climate and soil of the southern countries, that the lands cannot be occupied or cultivated without slaves. It has been said, that the slaves prosper in those places, and that they are much better off there than in their own native country. We have even been told that, if we succeed, and prevent slavery across the Mississippi, we shall greatly lessen the value of property there, and shall retard, for a long series of years, the settlement of that country. Sir, said Mr. T. if the western country cannot be settled without slaves, gladly would I prevent its settlement till time shall be no more. If this class of arguments is to prevail, it sets all morals at defiance, and we are called to legislate on the subject, as a matter of mere personal interest, If this is to be the case, repeal all your laws prohibiting the slave trade; throw open this traffic to the commercial states of the east; and, if it better the condition of these wretched beings, invite the dark population of benighted Africa to be translated to the shores of republican America. But, sir, I will not cast upon this or upon that gentleman an imputation so ungracious as the conclusion to which their arguments would necessarily tend. I do not believe any gentleman on this floor could here advocate the slave trade, or maintain, in the abstract, the principles of slavery. I will not outrage the decorum, nor insult the dignity of this house, by attempting to argue in this place, as an abstract proposition, the moral right of slavery. How gladly would the "legitimates of Europe chuckle" to find an American congress in debate upon such a question ! As an evil brought upon us without our own fault, before the formation of our government, and as one of the sins of that nation from which we have revolted, we must of necessity legislate upon this subject. It is our business so to legislate, as never to encourage, but always to control this evil; and, while we strive to eradicate it, we ought to fix its limits, and render it subordinate to the safety of the white population, and the good order of civil society. Sir, on this subject, the eyes of Europe are turned upon you. You boast of the freedom of your constitution and your laws; you have proclaimed, in the Declaration of Independence, “That all men are born eqaal: that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights—that amongst these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" and yet you have slaves in your country. The enemies of your government, and the legitimates of Europe, point to your inconsistencies, and blazon your supposed defects. If you al low slavery to pass into the territories where you have the lawful power to exclude it, you will justly take upon yourself all the charges of inconsistency, but, confine it to the original slave-holding states,, where you found it at the formation of your government, and you stand acquitted of all imputation. BIOGRAPHICAL AND LITERARY SKETCH OF THOMAS MOORE, ESQ. "I would rather think wrongly with Plato, than rightly with any one else." THOMAS MOORE is the only son of Mr. John Moore, a respectable Dublin merchant. Thomas was born about the year 1780; he has two sisters' His infantile days seem to have left the most agreeable impressions on his memory. In an epistle to his eldest sister, dated November 1803, and written from Norfolk, in Virginia, he has traced the delights of their childhood, and described the pure endearments of home, with a sensibility as exquisite as that which breathes through the lines of Cowper, On receiving his mother's picture :' In days, my Kate, when life was new, |