Suppose the Catholics (a low estimate) to be 5,000,000 Allowing the very high proportion of seven to each family, the number of families will exceed ... Allowing each family to be worth six-pence a day, which, taking into calculation the number of Catholic families not only in good, but in wealthy circumstances, is probably not a third of their daily receipts, the annual income of each family will amount to .... And their total income to Let each family pay one shilling per annum for Catholic rent; the total will be 714,285 £9 2 6 £6,517,850 And the sum to be raised from each family would be less than the part of their income. £35,714 Thus far as to the pressure of the tax, next as to the mode of collection. There are two thousand five hundred parishes, giving on an average for the number of There are twelve collectors to each parish, 286 24 therefore one collector for about, families.. Who would each have to collect annually about £1 4 0 This calculation shews that the mode of collection is very easy, the fund out of which this alarming tax is paid very large, and the tax itself very small. Do not these circumstances afford great facilities and temptations to fiscal extortion? It is doubtful whether the financial virtue of even regular governments would resist such allurements. That, however, is not the question; it is, would such a political monster as the Catholic Association resist the temptation? Those who charge it with having conceived the design, and devised the means of oppression, must answer, "It would not," unless they suppose its members (unlike all other men) willing to incur the odium of oppression, but renounce the profits. But what is the fact? Their accounts up to the end of December 1824, examined and published by the auditors with their names, shew that the receipts in eight months have been under £9000, being at the rate of something less than £13,500 per annum. This is much less than two-fifths of the sum of £35,714 that might be raised by demanding a penny a month from each family as we have seen, and which was but the part of the lowest rate of income of the poorest families. The sum actually raised, therefore, is about the part of such income; that is, less than a halfpenny a month from each of 714,285 families, rich and poor together. If this be extortion, in what species of coin can voluntary contributions be paid? It is no answer to say, the rent, if allowed to go on, may increase much beyond the calculation-oppression may be practised. God knows it may! There is no tense, past, present, or future, in which the probability of oppression may not be predicated. But the argument is, not what may be, but what in this case has or has not been; and that oppression has not been exercised, it is conceived the above calculation abundantly proves. The assertion is, that it has been practised, in proof of which assertion no evidence has been offered.* How then, it may be asked, is the self-denying conduct of this body to be explained? Does it not feel such temptations as have been described, and why has it resisted when others would have yielded? For the very reason, and on the very principle that others would have yielded its interest, which taught it that a moderate sum paid with the good will of the people was more conducive to its object, than a larger sum extorted from their fears. Though most desirous not to strain inaccuracies into contradictions (particularly when the words reported have not been authenticated by the Speakers), yet the writer cannot help here taking notice of the inconsistency of the argument employed by some of those gentlemen-that the Association virtually represents the people, and that it at the same time oppresses them.+ Representation is a relative term. There During the progress of the Bill for the suppression of the Association, the rent increased largely, in some instances to the weekly amount of about £1000. A period of such excitement does not, however, afford as correct data for calculating the annual average amount, as that which has been adopted. This rapid increase of rent affords a presumption, not only of the voluntary nature of the payment, but of the general and zealous feeling in favour of it. A system of mere extortion could never have produced such a sudden augmentation of the weekly amount. "It has been said by some Hon. Gentlemen opposite, and their evidence is of no small value on this subject-it has been said by these Hon. Gentlemen, that the Catholic Association is the virtual representative of the Catholic people of Ireland. Testimony of this kind is valuable, and with the admission made to me, I ask if it do not afford the grounds for now applying to Parliament ?” "This tax I call an onerous and a grievous tax, and I know it is so considered by many amongst the Catholic body." "There are persons who thought the rent an infliction; that the peasantry, who laboured hard and yet in distress-that persons wanting sustenance for their families or the means of providing education for their must be one who desires to represent; another who desires to be represented, and the latter must indicate his desire by some outward act. The most obvious is actual election; but that is not pretended to have been the mode in this case. Neither can the approbation of the Catholic aggregate meeting be urged as the proof of this virtual representation, for that body is asserted to be merely the Association under a different name. It may be assumed that the best proof is the payment of the rent, as it brings the greatest number of individuals into immediate contact with the Association. Indeed, free contribution is generally found to be a more accurate measure of real sentiment than words. But if the money be extorted from the people, or from a part of them, it ceases to be a proof that any representative connexion exists between such part and the Association; and where else can that proof be found? If extortion be extensively practised, the idea of representation falls to the ground. If the charge of representation be correct, the charge of extortion, as an evil pressing on the people of Ireland, must be relinquished. The error has probably been caused, by hastily drawing a general inference of oppression from a few individual cases; for if they had been numerous, they must have suggested some doubt of the Association representing the Catholic body. At least similar grounds have excited similar doubts of the representative connexion between bodies larger than the Catholic, and assemblies of less questionable legitimacy than the Association. There is a strange and dangerous error involved in the assertion, that the Association "represents six millions of children-there are persons so thinking, and all advised their tenants against the rent, and what has been the result? The priests have denounced them; they have been held up to exposure, to reprobation, and scorn, and ultimately to more imminent dangers. Before I come to the application of the money thus raised and torn from the people, I beg to explain myself."-Mr. Goulburn's Speech, New Times, Feb. 11, 1825; Freeman's Journal, Feb. 14. "All that seemed wanting to finish the picture, was to levy taxes; and have they not done so? He might be told that the subscription was voluntary; but they knew little of the state of Ireland who thought the people had that redundancy of wealth which could properly enable them to pay this tax." "He asked, should there be two houses of parliament sitting together from day to day and week to week? True, the Association disguised that with no little ingenuity; but while it was admitted that they were the virtual representatives of the people, in what other light could they be viewed than as another house of parliament ?"-Mr. Doherty's Speech, Courier, Freeman's Journal. Similar sentiments, but somewhat more strongly expressed, appear in the Morning Chronicle of Feb. 12. men in Church and State," and that it at the same time encroaches on the authority, and threatens the existence of Parliament. If these be both true, there is no evading the startling conclusion, that six millions of people are, through their representative body, declaring their hostility to the authority and existence of Parliament. Happily this is not true. No man has or would so calumniate the whole Catholie population, especially when he recollects that the Catholics both aided in the creation of that Parliament by their votes, and are now most earnestly supplicating for admission within its walls. But then, the Association does not represent the Catholics. That cannot be said, for that it does, is the very fact on which the grievance is founded. But representing the body of the Catholics, and they not being hostile to the authority or to the existence of Parliament, how does it happen that the Association is? If both assertions be true, let those who made them reconcile them. Till that be done, ordinary minds will be disposed to deny that there is hostility, either in the acts, or in the spirit of the Association. Representing six millions of men in Church and State." "Such a body, I say, encroaches upon Parliament, and is in direct, palpable, and hostile opposition to the constitution."-Mr. Plunkett's Speech. 66 But, Sir, although the Catholic Association has not openly assumed this representative character, I cannot shut my eyes to the fact, that such a character has been attributed to it by others: and if notoriety be, as undoubtedly it is, a ground upon which legislation may be founded, the repeated statements which have been made in this House, during the present debate, that this Association is, and is held to be, the virtual representative of the people of Ireland, call upon the House to consider whether such an Association can co-exist with the House of Commons. Can there, I ask, co-exist in this kingdom, without imminent hazard to its peace, an assembly constituted as the House of Commons is; and another assembly invested with a representative character, as complete as that of the House of Commons itself, though not conferred by the same process? Does not the very proposition that such is the character, and such the attributes of the Catholic Association, even if not actually true at the present time, warn us at least what the Association, if unchecked, may become? And if the Catholic Association, with the full strength and maturity of the representative character, could not (as assuredly it could not) co-exist with the House of Commons; shall we not check the Association in time, before it has acquired that strength and maturity ?”—Mr. Canning's Speech, pp. 18, 19. Again, "This opinion, Sir, I formed on two grounds; the first embracing that general view, upon which I have argued the necessity of bringing in this Bill at all,-namely, that it is not fi that there should exist, under any circumstances, a body holding itself forth, or described or recognized by others, as the depositary of the conndence, and the organ of the will, of the whole Catholic population of Ireland, nor could any such body, however constituted, be tolerated in The exercise of such assumed functions; seating itself, as it were, by the side of Parlament, and intercepting the allegiance of the people."— food pp 22, 23. The above remarks op representation, do not pretend to embrace more of that important, but ill-understood subject, than is requisite for affixing precise ideas to a term, the application of which to the Association and similar assemblies, is calculated utterly to mislead that common indolence of mind, which is as well satisfied with a general term, as with a precise and valid reason. Costard, upon receiving three farthings under the name of "a Remuneration!" exclaims, "Remuneration! Oh, that's the Latin word for three farthings: three farthings remuneration. What's the price of this Incle? A penny:-No, I'll give you a remuneration. Why, it carries it. Remuneration! Why, it is a fairer name than French crown. I will never buy or sell out of this word." The object of those remarks was to shew, that public opinion is the common basis of the political power of both bodies; but, that universal public opinion supports the one, the public opinion of a class the other; and, had this been the only difference, it would have seemed sufficient to secure the supreme body from any encroachment. In following the operations of public opinion, the design was to trace its varying but always substantive character of power, as it assumes the forms of a real legislative body, and of a law; and to exhibit the want of this substantive character of independent power, in such an assembly as the Association, and in its acts. The one, by the intrinsic power of its construction, moves on through calm and storm, with little variation in its rate; while the other lies, like a log upon the waters, if not constantly impelled by public opinion. Here it may be asked, To what does the whole argument tend but this, that there exists a body possessed of political power, derived from public opinion, dependent on it, and whose strength must increase in proportion to that of public opinion? And is not this the very evil complained of, and the very danger to be repressed? Complained of the body is, and repressed it will be; but that it is an evil, and that with it the danger will be repressed, is far more doubtful. If this state of things be an evil, its source is deeply seated in human nature; for, as "The blood still follows where the knife is driven, so surely will griefs and wrongs extort complaints, and generate common feelings and common opinions. The feeble will lament, and the strong will demand redress, |