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the marquis of Carmarthen, and Mr. Thomas BOOK Townshend, created lord Sydney, were nominated secretaries of state; lord Thurlow was reinstated as lord-chancellor; earl Gower, created in the sequel marquis of Stafford, as president of the council; the duke of Rutland was constituted lord privy-seal; lord Howe placed at the head of the admiralty, and the duke of Richmond of the ord nance. The earl of Northington was recalled from his government of Ireland, to which lord Temple, who had retained the seals of secretary only three days, was again destined to succeed..

To the surprise and unquestionably to the great eventual detriment of the public, the earl of Shelburne was not included in the new arrangement of administration. The intelligence of this change was, notwithstanding, received by the nation with transports of joy.

The INDIA BILL, concerning which the public judgment was at the first suspended, had now, by a multiplicity of able and popular tracts industriously circulated, been completely developed and explained; and it was almost universally condemned as a measure in the highest degree arbitrary and oppressive, and with consummate artifice calculated to perpetuate the power of an administration who were the objects of the national detestation. It is nevertheless a supposition absolutely inadmissible, that such men as the duke of Portland, lord John Caven

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BOOK dish, and Mr. Fox, had concerted a measure insidi ously adapted to serve their own purpose-knowing or believing the same to be inimical to the essential interests of their country. In fact, no plan for the government of India could be framed which was not liable to very great objection. The bill of Mr. Fox was primarily and professedly designed for the reformation of abuses in India; and as it was necessary for this purpose to establish a new and ex tensive source of authority and influence at home, very plausible, and, to persons interested, doubt less, very convincing reasons might be adduced to prove it more safe and constitutional to intrust this power to parliamentary commissioners than to the crown, whose influence it had been the grand and favorite object of all true patriots to diminish. Nor was it possible that the parliamentary rejection of this bill could have been attended with such signal effects, had not the popularity of the minister with whom it originated been already completely and for ever annihilated by means of the fatal and AC

Political

conflict be

CURSED COALITION.

On the 22d of December, the house of commons tween the being in a committee on the state of the nation, crown and Mr. Erskine moved, "That an address be presented

the com.

mons.

to the king, stating, that alarming reports had gone forth of an intended dissolution of parliament, and humbly representing to his majesty the inconveniences and dangers of a prorogation or dissolution

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in the present conjuncture; and entreating the so- BOOK vereign to hearken to the advice of that house, and not to the secret advice of particular persons who might have private interests of their own, separate from the true interests of the king and people."

This address, which was of a complexion unknown in this country since the æra of the Revolution, was carried without a division. The answer of the king was very discreet and temperate. His majesty said, "It had been his constant object to employ the authority intrusted to him by the constitution to its true and only end-the good of the people; and he was always happy in concurring with the wishes and opinions of his faithful commons. He trusted they would proceed in the important matters mentioned in their address with a convenient speed, assuring them that he should not interrupt their meeting after their adjournment by any exercise of his prerogative either of prorogation or dissolution."

The house now with tolerable satisfaction adjourned for the usual Christmas recess to the 10th of January 1784, on which day the committee on the state of the nation was resumed; and several resolutions were brought forward by Mr. Fox, and agreed to by the house--prohibiting the lords of the treasury from assenting to the acceptance of the Company's bills from India-forbidding also the issue of any of the public money after a proroga

BOOK tion or dissolution of parliament, unless the Act of

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Mr. Pitt's

India bill

Appropriation shall have previously passed; and ordering accounts to be laid before the house of the moneys already issued.

These resolutions were followed by a motion from the earl of Surry-" 1. That in the present situation of his majesty's dominions it was peculiarly necessary that there should be an administration that had the confidence of the public. 2. That the late changes in his majesty's councils were accompanied by circumstances new and extraordinary, and such as did not conciliate the confidence of that house." On this motion the house divided, but it was carried in the affirmative by 196 to 142 voices.

On the 16th of January a resolution was moved by lord Charles Spencer, "That the continuance of the present ministers in trusts of the highest importance and respectability was contrary to the principles of the constitution, and injurious to the interests of the king and people." Upon this question the house divided, ayes 205, noes 184; so that the anti-ministerial majority was, by an ominous defection, reduced from 54 to 21 voices.

About this time the chancellor of the exchequer rejected. introduced into the house a bill for the better government of India, on principles which left the commercial concerns of the Company in their own hands; and established a board of control, con. sisting of certain commissioners appointed by the

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king, possessing a negative on the proceedings of BOOK the Company in all matters of government or politics. On the motion of commitment, this bill was lost by 222 voices against 214-so that the opposi tion majority was now diminished to 8.

A still more encouraging circumstance was, that addresses of thanks and approbation to his majesty for the removal of his late ministers now began to flow in from every part of the kingdom; and became at length so universal, that upon no occasion whatever was the sense of the people at large more clearly, strongly, and unequivocally ascertained. In this the city of LONDON had taken the lead; and in their address they say, "Your faithful citizens lately beheld, with infinite concern, the progress of a measure which equally tended to encroach on the rights of your majesty's crown-to annihilate the chartered rights of the East India Company-and to raise a new power unknown to this free government, and highly inimical to its safety. As this dangerous measure was warmly supported by your majesty's late ministers, we heartily rejoice in their dismission, and humbly thank your majesty for exerting your prerogative in a manner so salutary and constitutional." And concluding in a manner very different from the usual tenor of their addresses in former times, they say, "Highly sensible of your majesty's paternal care and affection for your people, we pray the Almighty that you may long

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