XXI. 1782. BOOK but their commerce was inconsiderable; and the whole African trade was open to the English, by our settlements on the River Gambia, which were guarantied to us by this treaty. The restoration of Pondicherri, and of our other conquests in the East, must be acknowledged not a measure of expediency so much as of absolute necessity, if the state of the East India Company were adverted to. Such had been the formidable confederacy against which they were compelled to contend, such the wretched derangement of their finances, and so exposed to hazard were their vast and precarious possessions, that nothing but peace could recover to them their ascendency in Asia: in such a situation it was impossible to procure terms of accommodation more honorable. The removal of the restraints relative to the harbour of Dunkirk-restraints disgraceful to France, and of trifling advantage to Englandwas inveighed against without candor or reason. Dunkirk, as a port, was (as his lordship asserted) far from possessing the consequence ascribed to it; it lies near a shoaly part of the Channel; it cannot receive ships of a large size, and can never be a rendezvous for squadrons; it may indeed be a resort for privateers, but these we know by experience could easily issue from other ports. In fine, the confederacy formed against us was decidedly superior to our utmost exertions-our taxes were exorbitant—our debts, funded and unfunded, XXI. 1783. amounted to two hundred and forty-seven millions BOOK -our commerce was rapidly declining-our navy was overbalanced by the fleets of the combined powers in the alarming proportion of more than fifty ships of the line. Peace was in these circumstances necessary to our existence as a nation. The best terms of accommodation which our situation would admit had been procured; and his lordship ventured to affirm, that they could be decried or opposed only by ignorance, prejudice, or faction." On a division, the address was carried by a majority of 72 to 59 voices. ultimately A similar address in the house of commons was Terms of peace dismoved by Mr. Thomas Pitt, and seconded by Mr. cussed and Wilberforce, who urged in striking and impressive disapprov language the expediency, the necessity, and ad-commons. vantages of peace. On which lord, John Cavendish rose and declared, "that he also professed himself an advocate for peace; but the question was not whether a peace were necessary, but whether a better peace might not have been obtained-this was a question which called for a serious deliberation. As the whole of the evidence proper to be produced was not before the house, it was expedient to pause and hesitate. He proposed therefore to annex to the address the following words: "His majesty's faithful commons will proceed to consider of the treaties with that serious and faithful attention which 2 A VOL. VII. ΧΧΙ. 1783. BOOK a subject of so much importance to the present and future interests of his majesty's dominions deserves; assuring his majesty, nevertheless, of their firm and unalterable determination to adhere inviolably to the several articles for which the public faith is pledged." This amendment was seconded by Mr. St. John, member for the county of Bedford, and supported, with all the power of his eloquence, by lord North. "The address," this nobleman said, "called for a vote of approbation, and he had no such vote to give; for he considered the peace as dishonorable and destructive. His lordship wished not, however, to set negotiations aside which had been concluded under the sanction of prerogative, nor to put those who advised them under PERIL of PUNISHMENT." Such was the candor of the noble lord, and such his indulgence to those guilty of the crime of rescuing the nation from the ruin which impended over it, as the inevitable result of that fatal system patronised and supported by the noble lord and his colleagues, till the patience and credulity of an abused and exasperated people were at length exhausted. He, who by his own wretched miscon duct had created the necessity for making the sacrifices in question, ought surely in decency to have been the last man in the nation who should have suggested the profligate idea of putting those who BOOK advised them under PERIL of PUNISHMENT. XXI. 1783. Mr. Fox and lord Mr. Fox now rose, and declared "his perfect coalition concurrence with the sentiments expressed by the between noble lord; and in still more bitter terms repro- North. bated the peace as the most disastrous and humiliating that had ever disgraced any country. He had been accused (he said) of having formed an union with the noble lord whose principles he had opposed for several years of his life; but the grounds of their opposition were removed, and he did not conceive it to be honorable to keep up animosities for ever. He was happy at all times to have a proper opportunity to bury his resentments, and it was the wish of his heart that his friendships should never die. The American war was the source of his disagreement with the noble lord; and, that cause of enmity being now no more, it was wise and fit to put an end to the ill-will, the animosity, the feuds, and the rancor, which it engendered. It was a satisfaction to him to apply the appellation of FRIEND to the noble lord; he had found him honorable as an adversary, and he had no doubt of his openness and sincerity as a friend." By a very great and respectable part of the house, this declaration, which opened a perfectly new scene of things, was most indignantly received. Mr. Powys said, "this was the age of strange confederacies. The world had seen great and arbitrary XXI. 1783. BOOK despots stand forth as the protectors of an infant republic-France and Spain had combined to establish the rising liberties of America. The house now surveyed the counterpart of this picture-a MONSTROUS COALITION had taken place between a noble lord and an illustrious commoner-the lofty assertor of the prerogative had joined in alliance with the worshippers of the majesty of the people." On the division the effect of this monstrous coalition was immediately visible, there appearing for the amendment 224 against 208 voices. On the 21st of February lord John Cavendish moved a series of resolutions importing-" 1. That, in consideration of the public faith, his majesty's ( faithful commons will assist him in rendering the peace permanent. 2. That, in concurrence with his majesty, they will endeavour to improve the blessings of peace to the advantage of the nation. 3. That his majesty, in acknowledging the independency of America, has acted in conformity to the sense of parliament, and to the powers vested in him by the act of the last session. 4. That the conces sions made to the adversaries of Great Britain by the provisional treaty, and the preliminary articles, are greater than they were entitled to, either from the actual situation of their respective possessions, or from their comparative strength." A vehement debate arose on the last of these re |