sion to return to England for the purpose of competing at the Royal Naval College for the lieutenant's commission, which was then annually given to the mate who, after a year's study, passed the best examination. He returned to England in December, 1849, in June, 1850, passed as mate, and in July, 1851, obtained, by a most successful examination, the lieutenant's commission.

In September, 1851, he was appointed to the Centaur, bearing the flag of Rear-Admiral Henderson, commanding the South American station. Here he remained until the outbreak of the war with Russia in 1854, when the Centaur was suddenly recalled. He was most anxious to obtain an appointment to a ship destined for service in the Black Sea, but failed, and was sent to the Calcutta guardship at Plymouth. Shortly after he sailed in the Royal William to convey troops to Bomarsund, and returned with a cargo of Russian prisoners. He was then appointed to the Hastings, Captain Caffin, as gunnery lieutenant, and again visited the Baltic. He assisted at the bombardment of Sweaborg, but there was little scope in the Baltic for the display of the wonted skill and valour of the British navy.

In the winter of 1855 he returned to England, and the following spring obtained his first independent commission-the Goshawk gunboat at Woolwich. In August of the same year he was paid off, and appointed first lieutenant of the Raleigh, bearing the broad pendant of Commodore Hon. H. Keppel, and sailed for China. Subsequently transferred to the flagship Calcutta as second lieutenant, he participated in the taking of Canton, and the capture of the Taku forts. The Calcutta was ordered home and paid off in August, 1859, but as hostilities were re

sumed, he returned to China in command of the Renard sloop of war, was present at the second taking of the Taku forts in command of a flotilla of boats, and after much active service obtained leave and returned to England in February, 1862.

His health at this time was rather impaired, and this was the principal reason that caused his return to England. He was constantly suffering from fever and ague. Besides "he felt he was losing ground professionally from being so long away from England, and getting behindhand as regarded inventions, or whatever was new and active in the naval service. He was never so happy as when fully employed, and often in writing says, 'Hard work as usual agrees with me;' or 'I am fortunate in always having something to do;' 'For a long time I have never been a week at anchor,' and such expressions as these. Having a constant desire to be always learning something, as soon as he felt he had mastered any subject, or any piece of work, and that his full powers were no longer required, he sought for some new object on which to expend them."

In July, 1862, he joined the flagship Revenge as commander, under the former captain of the Collingwood, now Admiral Smart, who commanded the Channel Squadron. At the close of 1863 he was sent by the Government on a special special mission to the United States, for the purpose of procuring information respecting the improvements alleged to have taken place in naval science in consequence of the war with the Southern Confederacy. The manner in which he acquitted himself of the delicate duties of this mission gave great satisfaction, and his services were duly appreciated.

In May, 1864, he married Victoria, daughter of W. J. Hamilton,

Esq., and while travelling in Switzerland in the August following, he received from Admiral Smart, then commander-in-chief of the Mediterranean Squadron, an offer of the post of flag-captain, with the command of his new flag-ship the Victoria, the last of the glorious old three-deckers that was sent out, in which he sailed for Malta in November.

The term of Admiral Smart's command of the Mediterranean Squadron having expired in 1866, Goodenough left with him, and shortly after was appointed flagcaptain under Admiral Warren in command of the Channel Squadron, which he retained until October,

1870.

He then volunteered to assist in the distribution of "The French Peasant Relief Fund," and remained some months in France. On his return he served as a member of a "Committee on Designs for Ships of War," appointed by the Admiralty, and was afterwards appointed naval attaché to the maritime courts of Europe, with orders to visit the different arsenals of the Continent, and report to the Foreign Office upon the navies of the European powers. He visited among other places all the dockyards of France, and as part of his experience of the regard for the Republic among sensible men, he relates the following:

and

In April, 1873, Captain Goodenough was appointed to relieve Commodore Stirling in command of the Australian station. He sailed in the Pearl, and was specially instructed to proceed in the first instance to Fiji, and in conjunction with H.M.'s Consul, Mr. Layard, to report on the state of the group of islands, on the advisability of their annexation to the British Crown. It is a pity his report to the Government is not given in the volume before us, for we know it was most interesting and valuable, and warmly advocated annexation on which the Government acted. From Fiji he proceeded to his Australian command, and at the various ports he visited established the most friendly relations with the inhabitants.

The last fatal cruise of Commodore Goodenough was commenced in June, 1875. He conveyed to Fiji the newly-appointed governor, Sir Arthur Gordon. From Fiji the Pearl proceeded to various other islands in the South Pacific; it being the Commodore's most anxious desire to establish friendly relations with the natives, in whose peaceful disposition generally, if approached in a conciliatory manner, he evidently reposed too much confidence.

On the 12th of August the Pearl was off Santa Cruz, and the Commodore writes in his journal, under that date, that he thought the natives inclined to be "most friendly and anxious to be civil by coming out to us in canoes, and looking as if they wished to please. But he soon changed his opinion, for having landed he The was treacherously attacked. following is his own account of what took place, as written in his journal on the 17th of August, five days after the attack:

"I went on shore with two boats,

but as I got near the shore I saw a number of canoes hastening to the place at which I was going to land, so made signal for a third to follow. As we drew into the shore canoes came about us, eager, vociferous, and friendly, and with a rather villanous look. They are big compared to some other islanders about here, are not at all dark, some being very light, and with very light hair; but betel nut chewing is universal. All mouths are full of a chocolate and black masticated mass, and teeth are as black as jet, with great lumps of the lime with which they chew the betel adhering as 'tartar' to their teeth.

"After touching the beach, I remained some minutes in the boat, so as not to alarm the people by too sudden moves or gestures, and gave away some pieces of calico, bargaining at the same time a knife or two for some pretty matting. Gradually they seemed to be less timid, and one man came up with a present of a little yam, and I gave him some calico, with which he seemed pleased. They then began to beckon us individually up to their village close to, and we went up with all precaution, keeping our eyes about us, and the third boat's crew remaining on the beach.

"It came on to rain heavily, and at their invitation we went into the houses nearest the beach, and under cover of a half-finished house. But after a time (for the rain was heavy, and for half an hour) I began to notice that they looked round, and withdrew themselves from every roof where we were, and were inclined to separate from us. Meantime the rain cleared up, and a man was very eager that I should accompany him along the beach to, as I suppose, the next village. The others remained by the boats, and I called eight or ten round me, and followed the men.

"However, after three hundred yards or more of beach I saw the village a long way off, and said, 'Oh! this isn't quite prudent; I must set an example of sticking to the orders which I have given. We'll visit the other village by boat; and I tried to explain to my

native friend that I would do so, and all of us turned back.

"As I got near the boats I said, 'Order everyone into the boats;' and seeing every one near, turned to see if any were behind me. I saw Harrison up a little passage between a stone wall and the side of a hut, and but just above the white coral sand beach, and went up to him to see what he was about and to be with him. He was bargaining for some arrows with a tall man, who held his bow in his left hand, and was twiddling his arrows in a rather hectoring way, as I thought.

64

'Casting my eye to the left I saw a man with a gleaming pair of black eyes fitting un arrow to a string, and in an instant, just as I was thinking it must be a sham menace, and stared him in the face, thud came the arrow into my left side. I felt astounded. I shouted

To the boats!' pulled the arrow out, and threw it away (for which I am sorry), and leapt down the beach, hearing a flight of arrows pass. At my first sight of them all were getting in and shoving off, and I leapt into the whaler; then feeling she was not clear of the ground, jumped out, and helped to push her out into deep water, and while doing so another arrow hit my head a good sharp rap, leaving an inch and a half of its bone head sticking in my hat. *

"I ordered the armed men to fire, and instantly the arrow flights ceased. I looked round, and the boats were clear of the beach. Perry immediately chewed and sucked my wound, and on my coxswain and cook saying they were hit, sucked their wounds too, which were quite slight. I asked, 'Are all in the boats?" and was answered by Jones, the coxswain of the first cutter, 'All in, sir! and I'm wounded.'

My only object in firing was to stop their arrows and to drive them off, and I went back to the ship, and hoisted the boats up, intending to do nothing to them."

The wound was burned with caustic and poulticed, as it was supposed the arrow was poisoned

which it was not. On consideration he deemed it better that he should punish the treacherous attack of the natives in some way, so he sent a party on shore to burn a few huts, but ordered them before landing to fire a blank volley to frighten away the natives, and ensure no life being taken. This order being repeated three times, so anxious was he in his own words "to run no risk of hurting either our own people, or the wretched islanders."

By the advice of his surgeon the course of the Pearl was shaped southward, and it was intended to make either Brisbane or Sydney. On the 17th, the last day he wrote in his journal, the first symptoms of tetanus became manifest, and he writes:

only perceptible to him who held his pulse.'

The Pearl at that time was about 500 miles from Sydney, which harbour was entered on Monday the 23rd, and next day the funeral took place. The two sailors, who died of wounds received at the same time, were buried in separate graves on each side of their esteemed commander, while the Colonial Government, sustained by the unanimous desire of the population, did all that could be done to have the funeral rites honoured in a manner befitting the sad and solemn occasion.

In producing his volume his widow has performed a "labour of love," which we must not scan too critically. Indeed, on the whole, we must say that the volume is highly commendable. We have an excellent portrait of the commodore, with three good maps illustrative of his special services, while his journal is illustrated with descriptive woodcuts. It is altogether an excellent work, and we highly commend it.

us

The Influence of Descartes on Metaphysical Speculation in England. Being a Degree Thesis. By the Rev. W. Cunningham. Macmillan and Co., London and Cambridge, 1876. -The volume before possesses undoubted merit as an academical exercise, showing extensive reading and careful study. At the same time it does not appear to us likely to interest or benefit many readers of the average type. None can enter into it who have not a greater familiarity with metaphysical speculation than is possessed by the general public. The narrow limits within which the work is necessarily confined preclude the possibility of any adequate account of the various systems of

philosophy to which it refers, and which the author expressly states he has discussed only so far as was needful to show the influence of Descartes

on English thinkers.

Hence those whose studies do not happen to have lain in this direction-and they are no doubt the majority-must be at a loss to comprehend or appreciate the brief allusions to philosophers and their works.

On the other hand, the comparatively few who are well versed in English philosophy must be quite able to trace the influence of Descartes upon it without Mr. Cunningham's assistance. The

only question is, whether they will think it worth while to spend

much time in the task. One is tempted to ask, is not such an inquiry more curious than useful? The chief thing to be determined with regard to any system of philosophy would seem to be how far it is true, not how it originated. Mr. Cunningham maintains that no system of philosophy can be pronounced untrue, but every one contains truth of permanent value.

"Each age has contributed a phase of truth, or has amassed experience for other ages to explain. The part given by each age is valuable not only as a landmark, to show how far we have travelled, but as one of the wheels which have borne us along. It was necessary that each system should come to clear the way for other thinkers, and also to give utterance to a thought which should be true and of value for all time.

"In the empirical sciences each false hypothesis becomes utterly worthless: in Philosophy a refuted system still maintains its place. The Understanding reigns in the empirical sciences, it comes forward to pronounce its abstract judgment-the system is not true, therefore false.

lowing one another in time, refuting one another, and then passing away without result. But Philosophy is the study of a whole; each of these systems has been an attempted delineation of that whole; each of them is of far higher importance for us than they would be if they merely aroused a passing curiosity as to what was thought of the matter in this or that particular age.

"The history of the empirical sciences is only a barren account of false abstractions, which have been in vogue at one time or another: but the history of Philosophy enables us to review the various phases of truth which have been prominent to different minds; phases which are only phases (and therefore false), which may differ in importance, but all of portion of reality which has been which are true, since they depict a neglected at other times."

It is not very easy to understand how phases can be false and yet all true. Nor does Mr. Cunningham satisfactorily explain why a refuted system of philosophy should be so much more highly valued than an exploded scientific theory. The fact that science endeavours to explain the phenomena of external nature, and philosophy is occupied with those of human nature, is not a sufficient reason. If there is, as Mr. Cunningham asserts, "a connecting unity, or traceable order of development," in philosophical systems, this is surely much more evidently and indisputably true of scientific theories.

Mr. Cunningham occupies far too much space with his introduction, in which he discusses the abstract question how far a system of philosophy is affected by preceding systems and surrounding circumstances. After a long preamble, full of wearisome repetitions, he arrives at the following conclusion:

"Each separate system, then, is dependent on the expressions of the Idea which it finds around it, and from which it gathers some phase