In the early days of Roman civilization, the medical men had not obtained the position due to their learning; this may be accounted for by the fact that most of the principal families in Rome possessed a freedman, or libertinus, who had been educated in the profession. Justinian informs us that the price of such a slave (before manumission) was about sixty pieces of gold. Suetonius records that Julius Cæsar, among the many innovations he introduced, being anxious to increase the prosperity and importance of Rome, bestowed the citizenship, as we are told, on many of the foreigners who hastened to this city from Greece, Asia Minor, and Egypt to practise their art; and further, when owing to famine Augustus felt bound to banish from the city the many foreign residents, we are told by the same writer that, among those especially exempted from this decree

were

the medical men and præceptors (peregrinosque omnes, exceptis medicis et præceptoribus, partemque servitiorum Urbe expulsisset), thus proving the esteem felt at that time for those who had undoubtedly founded for themselves a reputation for their learning.

Few Romans cared to embrace the study of medicine; foreigners to the soil flocked from all parts, bringing with them the choice medicaments to be found in Greece and Egypt, together with the thorough knowledge of the diseases so prevalent in southern countries. Even at the present day the name of Galen sounds familiar to the

ear; and interesting relics of the past, bearing upon them the names of skilled practitioners, are to be found deciphered in Grotefend's work upon the stamps of the Roman oculists (Stempel der röm. Augenärzte), as well as in the Rev. C. King's interesting and valuable account of "Ancient Gems."

The government of Rome, which was strictly paternal, ordered physicians to be stationed in the various provinces and communes under its rule, granting them, as an especial inducement, exemption from taxation, an inducement which was sufficient to urge Galen to enter the Roman service. The various guilds which abounded in Rome, the legions, cohorts, gladiatorial schools, and all bodies, were compelled to have their special medical attendants, and this custom soon became the fashion with the leading families, as may be seen from Galen's biography. This learned physician, a native of Pergamus, studied at the celebrated schools of medicine at Alexandria and Corinth, settled for some years in Rome, returning to Asia Minor A.D. 167, to study the effects of the terrible plague which burst out in that year, and on his return accompanied Commodus in his expedition against Germany as one of the staff (apxiar pós), succeeding when on duty Demetrius, a physician renowned for his skill in the preparation of theriac, and thus becoming physician in ordinary.

Martial, who seems to have rejoiced in depicting the many foibles of his time and adopted home,

often laughs at those who had entered the profession, not being successful in others, and vice versâ, Diaulus (I. 30) becoming an undertaker (vispillo), having failed to make both ends meet as chirurgus, thus being, perhaps, more useful to his clientèle,

Chirurgus fuerat, nunc est vispillo
Diaulus

Capit quo poterat clinicus esse modo;"

The same name being again mentioned (I 47)

Nuper erat medicus, nunc est vispillo
Diaulus

Quod vispillo facit, fuerat et medicus;"

while (VIII. 74) gives a rap at an oculist who had joined the hoplomachi, or gladiators armed at all points,

"Hoplomachus nunc es, fueras ophthalmichus ante.

Fuisti medicus quod facis hoplomachus."

We may therefore very safely assume that the "examination mania," and the Civil Service Commissioners, were unknown to the Roman people, Galen finding it even necessary to warn his confrères against making grammatical or colloquial errors when addressing men of culture, founding his advice on the fact that many "quacks" were not even able to read. Again, in his "De meth. med." he mentions that Thessalus, who had been originally apprenticed to his own father, as weaver, and who under Nero obtained great success as a practitioner, had given it as his opinion that six months' study was sufficient to enable any man to qualify as doctor. The system of being attended during the various visits by pupils was also frequent, many allusions being made to this babit as a valuable means of giving and acquiring a practical knowledge

of various diseases, though it was not always pleasant to the patient, whose pulse was felt by many chilly hands as he lay burning with fever, producing thereby an ague. (Epig. V. 9)—

66

'Languebam; sed tu comitatus protinus ad me,

Venisti centum, Symmache, discipulis; Centum me tetigere manus aquilone gelato,

Non habui febrem, Symmache, nunc habeo."

Another mode very much in Vogue at the time, is mentioned by Galen alluding to the discussions which took place in public, when the various doctors, accompanied by their disciples, engaged in disputes, answered the many questions proposed to them, and tried by many artful dodges to increase their practice. Galen relates

an

occurrence which took place shortly after his arrival in Rome, when he engaged and defeated the followers of the school of Erasistratus on the subject of bleeding, his arguments being so convincing as to be adopted by many of his opponents. In the works that have come down to us, the light seems never to be placed under the unnecessary bushel, as, like most authors of ancient days, Galen writes with an aplomb which would meet with rather sharp criticism were such a complacent style now to be adopted.

Prescriptions not being usually made up by the apothecary, the doctor had himself to be thoroughly acquainted with the qualities of various herbs, drugs, and salves; we do not mean to say that apothecaries did not exist, as inscriptions are yet remaining in which the aromatarii are especially mentioned, and Galen uses the expression "these confounded drug-dealers (Galen, XIII.571), whom he accuses of adulterating the extracts ob

tained from the various plants. He himself, when a young man, had learnt how to fabricate balsam, Lemuian earth, white oxide of zinc, and many other medicaments, though he, however, refuses to give details, as many men would be sufficiently unprincipled to follow them out and thus gull the public, not to say the less learned medical men. Rather would he urge young men to devote themselves so entirely to study as to master in the most thorough manner the qualities of the drugs contained not only in plants and metals, but also to be found in various parts of some animals. He had travelled far and visited many parts of the globe to obtain the medicines for which each was renowned, going to Lemnos for earth, to Cyprus to obtain the substances found in the copper mines. From Soli he obtained enough vitriol, siliceo-carbonate of zinc, and whitelead to last him his lifetime; from the Black Sea, asphaltum; from Phonicia, Indian aloes and lycium, which latter was imitated in Rome so cleverly as to deceive many people. Of oil, which played an important part in all remedial applications, he had a supply bequeathed to him by his father, matured to such an age as to render it doubly valuable.

The elder Pliny, in his Natural History, relates many facts concerning the botanists, who grew in their own gardens the plants from which several medicines were extracted, and refers directly to the collection formed by Antonius Castor, in which were exhibited to him all the most renowned plants, cultivated far from their native soils by this learned botanist. For the use of the Emperor and the members of the imperial family, came from all parts of the world, labelled and inscribed with the name and place where found, packets of carefully prepared herbs, which were stored

up in the various imperial storehouses.

According to fashion did men take even at that time their medicines, and Galen (de antidd.) mentions that Marcus Aurelius daily took a dose of theriacum, thereby rendering this medicine fashionable, causing so great a run upon it, that at times the city did not contain sufficient ingredients to make the necessary doses. After the death of the Emperor, theriacum was no longer à la mode, and we may well imagine that people waited with anxiety for the next imperial medicament. The skilful preparation of this remedy was the turning-point which brought Galen into notice, and indeed this must have required a certain amount of learning, as he tells us of sixty-one various ingredients which served in its composition, dried adders forming an important part. The discoverer of this remedy, Andromachus, physician to Nero, boasted of its efficacy as an antidote both against poison and disease of every sort. Poisoning being, as we know, rather a favourite means with the Romans of getting rid of an enemy, antidotes were very welcome additions to the family medicine chest. Scribonius gives not only the names of useful antidotes, but details at length the symptoms exhibited by those suffering from attacks produced by litharge, henbane, opium, and other poisons too numerous to mention. Of course, though it is impossible to say to what extent the antidotes were effective, we need but recall to the memory of our readers the lightning rapidity of action of the Medici poisons to point out how even the bravest emperors must have hastened to adopt any remedy likely to produce alle

viation.

Pliny records the uses of various stones when employed against disease, but at the present time they appear ridiculous-amethysts (a