he thought proper, and consider himself at all times as one of his family; adding, in a tone of pleasantry, that he could not promise him the luxuries of a court, or even the conveniences which his former habits might have rendered essential to his comfort; but, since he had become an American soldier, he would doubtless contrive to accommodate himself to the character he had assumed, and submit with a good grace to the customs, manners, and privations of the republican army.'

From this moment the bond of friendship was sealed between these heroes, which was to cement them throughout their lives in the cause of liberty and philanthropy, and to connect their names and virtues in the memory of mankind for ever.

On the day that Lafayette arrived at the American camp, to take up his quarters in the military family of Washington, there was a review of the troops by the General. To the eye of Lafayette, accustomed to view the well disciplined, well fed, and well uniformed troops of Europe, this first introduction to that army upon which hung the destinies of a nation which was to rival the world, was novel and interesting. It is thus described, in his own language:

"About eleven thousand men, ill armed and still worse clothed, presented a strange spectacle to the eye of the young Frenchman their clothes were party-coloured, and many of them were almost naked; the best clad wore hunting shirts, large gray linen coats, which were much used in Carolina. As to their military tactics, it will be sufficient to say that, for a regiment ranged in order of battle to move forward on the right of its line, it was necessary for the left to make a continued countermarch. They were always arranged in two lines, the smallest men in the first line; no other distinction as to height was ever observed. In spite of these disadvantages, the soldiers were fine, and the officers zealous; virtue stood in the place of science, and each day added both to experience and discipline. Lord Stirling, more courageous than judicious, another general who was often intoxicated, and Greene, whose talents were only then known to his immediate friends, commanded as majorsgeneral. General Knox, who had changed the profession of bookseller to that of artillery officer, was there also, and had himself formed other officers, and created an artillery.

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'We must feel embarrassed,' said General Washington, on his arrival, to exhibit ourselves before an officer who has just quitted French troops.' 'It is to learn and not to teach that I came hither,' replied M. de Lafayette."

The ardor of Lafayette was by no means diminished, by his intercourse with the army, and he was anxious for an active command. Gen. Washington was thereby much embarrassed. He wrote to Mr. Harrison, a member from Virginia, (19th August, 1777,) for the views of Congress on the subject. "If I did not (he says) misunderstand what you or some other member of Congress said to me, respecting the appointment of the Marquis de Lafayette, he has misconceived the design of his appointment, or Congress did not understand the extent of his views; for certain it is, that I understood him, that he does not conceive his commission is merely honorary, but given with a view to command a division of the army. It is true, he has said, that he is young and inexperienced, but at the same time has always accompanied it with a hint that so soon as I shall think him fit for the command of a division, he shall be ready to enter upon the duties of it, and in the mean time has offered his services for a smaller command." The marquis had also applied to Gen. Washington for commissions for his two aids-de-camp. "This difficulty, (says the general) with the numberless applications for employment by foreigners, under their respective appointments, adds no small embarrassment to a command, which, without it, is abundantly perplexed by the different tempers I have to do with, and different modes which the respective states have pursued in nominating and arranging their officers; the combination of all which is but a too just representation of a great chaos, from whence we are endeavoring, how successfully time only can show, to draw some regularity and order."

Mr. Harrison replied to him, that Congress considered the appointment of the Marquis dé Lafayette as honorary only, unaccompanied with any pledge, and that Gen. Washington was not bound by the tenor of his commission to give him a command, but was at liberty to follow his own judge ment in this respect. But the progress of events soon dis. sipated these embarrassments; opened the way of promotion to Lafayette, and proved him as willing to obey, and as able as he was ready to command, in the cause of liberty.

CHAPTER V.

The Crisis-Sufferings of the army-Events and movements--Arrival of the enemy's fleet-March of the army-Battle of Brandywine--Lafayette wounded-His account of the battle-Is conveyed to Bethlehem--Employment there-Domestic correspondence-Zeal, correspondence and projects, in behalf of America-Movements of the armics--Battle of Germantown-Minor operations-Red Bank-Death of Count Donop-Fort Mifflin-Major Fleury.

Ir was a crisis truly trying to the Commander-in-chief, and critical for the American cause. In a letter to his brother, dated at Germantown, 5th August, 1777, General Washington said: "Since Gen. Howe removed from the Jerseys, the troops under my command have been more harassed by marching and countermarching, than by any other thing that has happened to them in the course of the campaign. After he had embarked his troops, the presumption that he would operate upon the North River, to form a junction with General Burgoyne, was so strong, that I removed from Middlebrook to Morristown, and from Morristown to the Clove, a narrow passage leading through the Highlands, about eighteen miles from the river. Indeed, upon some pretty strong presumptive evidence, I threw two battalions over the North River. In this situation we lay till about the 24th ultimo, when receiving certain information, that the fleet had actually sailed from Sandy Hook, and upon the concurring sentiment of every one, though I acknowledge my doubts of it were very strong, that Philadelphia was the object, we countermarched and got to Coryell's ferry on the Delaware, about thirty-three miles above the city, on the 27th, where I lay until I received information from Congress, that the enemy were actually at the Capes of the Delaware. This brought us in great haste to this place for the defence of the city. But in less than twenty-four hours after our arrival, we got accounts of the disappearance of the fleet on the 31st; since which, nothing having been heard of them, we have remained here in a

very irksome state of suspense; some imagining that they are gone southward, whilst a majority, in whose opinion upon this occasion I concur, are satisfied that they are gone to the eastward. The fatigue, however, and injury which men must sustain by long marches in such extreme heat, as we have felt for the last five days, must keep us quiet till we hear something of the destination of the enemy.”

In the mean time, at the north, Ticonderoga and Mount Independence had surrendered to the enemy; Fort Schuyler was invested, and the army of Burgoyne, was marching in its arrogant and hitherto victorious career, to meet its destiny upon the memorable plains of Saratoga. While upon the march with the army to recross the Delaware, on the 10th of August, Gen. Washington was informed by express, that the enemy's fleet had been seen on the 7th, off Sinepuxent Inlet, about sixteen leagues to the southward of the Capes of Delaware; and, the army was again halted for further intelligence. Up to the 21st of August, no further accounts were heard of the enemy's fleet. It was inferred, that Gen. Howe had gone far to the eastward, or southward; but the prevalent opinion was, that he designed to attack Charleston. It was therefore decided in a council of war, on the 21st, that as it was impracticable to march seasonably to the aid of Charleston, the army should move immediately to the North River, with a view of opposing Burgoyne, or making an attempt upon New York, as might be expedient. In this council of war, Lafayette, for the first time took part, and attended with the rank of majorgeneral.

This decision was approved by Congress; but the very next day, the 22d August, being on the point of marching, Gen. Washington received a letter from President Hancock, informing him that an express had that moment ar rived from Maryland, with the account that Gen. Howe's fleet, near two hundred sail, were at anchor in Chesapeake Bay. The design to attack Philadelphia was therefore apparent; and the destination of the army was changed. Orders were immediately given for calling in the several detachments. The whole army was put in motion; and on the 24th, for the purpose of encouraging the friends of liberty and influencing the disaffected, Washington march

ed his army through the streets of Philadelphia. "Their heads covered with green branches, and marching to the sound of drums and fifes, these soldiers, (says Lafayette,) in spite of their destitution, offered an agreeable spectacle to the eyes of the citizens."

Gen. Washington encamped at Clay Creek, a few miles beyond Wilmington. The British landed near the head of Elk River; and the manœuvres and dispositions of both armies were made for the approaching and memorable battle of Brandywine. It was in this battle that Lafayette sealed with his blood his covenant with the American people. In the hottest of the contest, he had dismounted to rally the troops, who were retreating in disorder, and received a severe wound in the leg. Unmindful of this, he continued his exertions, until obliged to remount his horse by the loss of blood. Nor did he cease his efforts until the retreat as far as Chester was accomplished. A detailed account of the battle of Brandywine, which General Washington was induced to risk, in opposition to his own judgement, against a superior force and under many disadvantages, in conformity to the expectations of the country and of Congress, and indeed of Europe, will be found in almost every book of American history and biography. It may, however, be interesting to the reader of this volume, to see the description of it which Lafayette himself has given. We therefore present it as follows:

"After having advanced as far as Wilmington, the general [Wash. ington] had detached a thousand men under Maxwell, the most ancient brigadier in the army. At the first march of the English, he was beaten by their advance guard near Christiana Bridge. During that time the army took but an indifferent station at Newport; they then removed a little south, waited two days for the enemy, and, at the moment when these were marching upon their right wing, a noctur. nal council of war decided that the army was to proceed to the Bran dywine. The stream bearing that name covered its front; the ford called Chad's Ford, placed nearly in the centre, was defended by bat. teries. It was in that hardly examined station that, in obedience to a letter from Congress, the Americans awaited the battle. The evening of the 10th of September, Howe advanced in two columus, and by a very fine movement, the left column (about 8000 men under Lord Cornwallis, with the grenadiers and guards) directed themselves to. wards the fords of Birmingham, three miles on our right; the other column continued its road, and about nine o'clock in the morning it appeared on the other side of the stream. The enemy was so near the skirts of the wood that it was impossible to judge of his force; some