Yet, even in this new modelled confederacy, there wanted not some strenuous advocates for the observance of the late peace. Part of those just and honest reasons produced by colonel Walter Bagnal, in support of it, at one of their meetings, I shall here transcribe from Mr. Belling, who was present.

"I appeal,” said he, " to the consciences of all that hear me if when we were first compelled (for compelled we were) to take arms for the safety of our lives and fortunes, and for the defence of our religion, and our king's rights; and when his majesty had power to dispute his cause, with probability of success, against his rebel subjects of England; if, I say, we had been offered less advantageous conditions, than those granted by the late peace, whether we should not have accepted them, with a thankful submission to his majesty's gracious pleasure? And truly, I cannot see that improvement in our condition, if we prudently weigh all circumstances, which should make us now less willing to acquiesce. We have plenty of arms, you will say, which we then wanted; our armies are formed, and our affairs directed by a constant way of government. Certainly it cannot be denied, if we make the comparison only between us and ourselves, without having a prospect on our enemy, and upon the change of his condition, between the then tumults, and now confederate catholics, that we have manifold advantages which we then wanted. But when we consider likewise that the party in the parliament of England, which had avowed the extirpation of our religion, and was then seconded but by the confused clamors of the multitude in London, hath armies at present, and the royal fleet at their command; and that of the two contending parties, whose conflict and hostility against each other gave us respite to advance thus far in our work, that party is likely to prevail, which threatens our destruction; when, I say, we shall maturely weigh this change to the better in our enemies, we cannot be so partial to ourselves, as to think our present estate so much improved beyond theirs, that we should now reject those conditions which we would have chearfully embraced at first. And it is very manifest, that if we would have inclined to such resolutions, at a time when our king was in a situation to keep the parliament so strictly guarded, that he never found an opportunity of escaping to Ireland to his lordship and the Nuncio."—Id. ib. p. 251.

forces employed, and so to divert this storm from falling on us, both regard to our own interest and dutiful compassion of our sovereign's present condition, ought now, in all reason, to move us, by endeavoring to relieve his majesty from his heavy pressures, to lay everlasting obligations of gratitude upon him; and by assisting his party in England, to lift up a shield for our own defence; which can no otherwise be done than by accepting this peace, concluded and published by authority of the kingdom; and by avoiding those severe punishments, which never fail to attend the breach of public faith."

Afterwards, addressing his speech to the bishops there present, my lords," proceeds he, "there was a time when our ancestors, at the peril of their fortunes and with the danger of their persons, sheltered you and your predecessors from the severity of the laws; they were no niggardly sharers with you in your wants; and it cannot be said, that the splendor of your present condition hath now added any thing to the sincere and filial reverence, which was then paid you. We, their posterity, have with our blood, and at the expence of our fortunes, asserted this advantage which you have now over them, have redeemed the exercise of your functions from the penalties of the law, and your persons from the persecution to which they were subject. We are upon the brink of a formidable precipice, reach forth your hands to pull us back; your zeal for the house of God will be thought no way less fervent, that you have preserved the Irish nation; rescue us; we beseech you, from these imminent miseries that visibly environ us. Grant somewhat to the memory of our fore-fathers, and to the affection we bear you ourselves. Let a request find favor with you, made to prevent the violation of public faith, and to keep the devouring sword from the throats of our wives and children.”

Mr. Belling informs us," that this speech moved compassion in some of the bishops; but that a resolution taken in their sy

4 Ubi supra.

* This loyal gentleman having been afterwards sent by the confederates to the Cromwellians, as a public hostage for the performance of articles agreed on between them, was executed at Kilkenny by order of the latter, for having formerly signed a warrant, as was pretended, to hang one John Stone, a known and convicted spy.-See Collect. of Massacres committed on the Irish. Append. See Ludlow's Mcm. vol. i, p, 426.

nodical congregation was held too sacred to be changed or revoked upon any consideration."

CHAP. XI.

The Nuncio, O'Nial, and Preston, advances towards Dublin with a considerable army.

THE Nuncio's confederacy, though much elated with their newly acquired power, were suddenly alarmed, by certain and undoubted intelligence of the marquis of Ormond's having advanced so far in his treaty with the English parliament, that commissioners were appointed to pass over to Ireland on that occasion, and orders issued for two thousand foot, and three hundred horse, to be transported from Chester to Dublin. This intelligence made the new confederates imagine, that his excellency was no longer entitled to their obedience; they now considering him in the same hostile light with those declared enemies of his majesty, whose alliance and assistance against them he was then soliciting. Pursuant to this idea, they unanimously resolved, to march their whole army to Dublin, in order to prevent its being delivered up to the English parlia ment.* Accordingly about the latter end of October, 1646, the two generals, O'Nial and Preston, set out, at the head of sixteen thousand foot, and sixteen hundred horse, together

We have observed that among other patents and commissions signed by the king, in favor of the earl of Glamorgan, there was one appointing him lord lieutenant of Ireland, upon the marquis of Ormond's term of holding that post, or in case the, marquis should, by any fault, deserve to be removed. And at this juncture, "the earl being desirous," says the Nuncio, in a letter to cardinal Pamphilio," to advance himself to the marquis's post, had begun to solicit the consent of the kingdom, and believes, that he has the interest of the two generals, and almost all the congregation of the clergy, and the new council. I have thought it the most proper to promote this affair, since when Dublin shall be taken, it will be immediately necessary for the kingdom to provide a lord lieutenant; the king's inclination and pleasure concurring with this design." In the same letter he says, "and, in fact, the way seems open for us, since the marquis of Ormond is now publicly negociating with the parliamentarians, and consequently making a treaty with the king's enemies.”—Enquiry into the share, &c. p. 253-4,

with the Nuncio and new supreme council, towards that capital; and, on the 2d of the following month, they sent the marquis of Ormond certain propositions, which, in effect,' contained the same demands that they had all along made, and the king was willing to grant them, but which his excellency had still obstinately refused.

The marquis of Ormond was, at this time, ill provided with the means of defence, against so numerous and powerful an army. There was great scarcity of victuals in the city, and not more than fourteen barrels of powder in the stores ;* yet relying on the hopes of assistance from the English parliament, he rejected the confederates' propositions, with derision and disdain. At the same time, he privately solicited the aid of the covenanters in Ulster, with previous offers to them of those very terms which he now refused to the confederates, namely, the free exercise of their religion, and the reception of their forces into his garrisons; and not having then prevailed, he afterwards, of his own accord, as we shall presently see, surren dered the royal authority to their masters, the independents in the British parliament, to the ruin of the king, and of the estab lished religion and government in both kingdoms.

1 See Carte, Borlase.

Carte's Orm. vol. iii.

"In the sense of his weakness," says Mr. Carte, on this occasion, "his lordship had desired the commander of a vessel belonging to the parliament, to carry his wife and children to the Isle of Man, but was refused. And though the captain offered to transport them to Chester, or any place in the parliament's obedience, he chose rather to expose them to the same hazards with himself in Dublin, than to acccept of that offer. For," adds my author, "he had reason to suspect the good faith of the parliament," Carte's Orm. vol. i. fol. 588.-Yet to that very parliament he, within a few months after, delivered up all the king's delegated authority in Ireland.

CHAP. XII,

The sentiments of the catholic clergy of Dublin on this occasion.

BUT his excellency and the council, being doubtful,' how the catholics of Dublin, who were by far the greatest part of its inhabitants, would behave, in case that city was assaulted by so great an army, fighting under the title of so specious a cause, and under the authority of so extraordinary a minister of the apostolic see, ordered the following questions to be proposed to such of the catholic clergy as then resided there.

1st, "If the pope's nuncio, and the rest of the Roman catholic clergy in a synod, should excommunicate those who adhered to the peace lately made, whether such an excommunication would be in itself void, or sufficiently grounded on the doctrine of the church of Rome?

2dly, "In case this city shall be besieged or assaulted, by the advice, consent, direction, or command of the said Nuncio or clergy, or both of them, whether, in such case, are the Roman catholics of this kingdom obliged, in conscience, to resist such siege or assault, with the peril of their lives and fortunes ?"

To the above questions the undernamed Roman catholic clergy of Dublin, in obedience to his excellency's and the council's commands, with all humility, returned the following

answers.

To the first question, "We conceive, and hold for void, and in no wise grounded on the doctrine of the Roman catholic church, any excommunication that hath no other ground, but the adhering to the peace lately concluded, or to any other point of true and cordial loyalty to our gracious sovereign king Charles."

To the second, "as we really in our hearts and consciences, hold our sovereign lord king Charles, to be the true and lawful king of this city, and kingdom of Ireland, and of all others his majesty's dominions; so we do conceive, that the Roman catholics of this kingdom, in case of a siege or assault made, or intended, for the taking of this city from our said sovereign the

1 Belling's MSS. Carte's Orm. Vindic. Catholic.