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at Priene (Antiq. of Ionia, pt. I, ch. II, Pl. 3, 5, 6, 7; pt. IV, Pl. 7, 8, 9; also Rayet et Thomas, Milet et le Golfe Latmique, Pl. 10, 12, 14); in the temple of Apollo Smintheus at Hamaxitus in the Troad (Antiq. of Ionia, pt. IV, Pl. 27, 28, 29). This temple has a slightly depressed line. The temple of Apollo at Didyme has a slightly depressed line according to Rayet and Thomas (Pl. 40), although other authorities represent it as straight (Antiq. of Ionia, pt. I, ch. III, Pl. 4, 5, but see Pl. 2; also Texier and Pullan, Pl. 3, 4, 5). The line is depressed in the columns of the temple at Messa in Lesbos (Koldewey, Die antiken Baureste der Insel Lesbos, Pl. 20, 21, 24); in the upper row of columns in the stoa of the temple of Athena at Pergamon (Altertümer von Pergamon, Pl. 21, 23); in the upper row of columns in the Propylaeum at Pergamon (Altertüm. von Perg. Pl. 31; for capital of anta, see Pl. 30); in the entrance to a shrine in stoa of the temple of Athena at Pergamon (Altertüm. von Perg. Pl. 27; cf. 28); in the great altar at Pergamon (Baumeister, Denkmäler, p. 1251); in the Nereid monument at Xanthus in Lycia (Baum. Denk. p. 1013, after Falkener); in the Mausoleum at Halicarnassus (Fergusson, History of Architecture, I. p. 273'); in the lower row of decorative columns in front of the stage building in the theatre at Aspendus (Lanckoroński, I. Pl. 24). There is an abnormal form of capital in a small building near Lesbos (Koldewey,

Lesbos, Pl. 16).

To sum up: There are five temples and five other buildings having the volutes connected by a straight line; and four temples and seven other buildings with the volutes connected by a depressed line. This excludes the temple of Apollo at Didyme about which authorities differ. Rayet and Thomas represent the line as slightly depressed, while Texier and Pullan and the Dilettanti Society appear not to have noticed the depression. It would seem as though the large drawing by Rayet and Thomas ought to be trusted rather than the smaller drawings in the other books. It is possible, too, that there was a difference in the capitals. From this list it is seen that actual remains of Ionic buildings in Asia Minor show that the

1 Fergusson says that the details of the construction of this building are practically all known.

columns, instead of being usually connected by a straight line, are so connected in only a minority of the buildings. Furthermore, a comparison of the dates of the various buildings shows that the depressed line prevailed, roughly speaking, from 400-200 B.C. and that the straight line was the rule after that time.

The following is a list of the buildings, with the dates which are assigned to them:

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6. Propylaeum at Pergamon.

7. Shrine of Athena temple in stoa at Pergamon?

8. Mausoleum at Halicarnassus

9. Nereid monument at Xanthus

10. Altar at Pergamon

II. Theatre at Aspendus

12. Temple at Messa in Lesbos .

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between 356-323 B.C. about 325 B.C.

"6 350 B.C.2 400-350 B.C.

time of Eumenes II

(197-159 B.C.).

time of Eumenes II.

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1 See Antiq. of Ionia, pt. IV, p. 37, where the date is thought to be between 193 and 133 B.C.

2 Reber, Hist. of Anc. Art, trans. by Clarke, p. 238, puts the date at about 470 B.C.

THE DATE OF LIBANIUS'S λόγος ἐπιτάφιος ἐπ ̓ Ἰουλιανῳ.

By J. W. H. WALDEN.

N an article in Hermes,1 1892, E. v. Borries suggests that Liba

in lavy, though assigned to

the year 368 or thereabouts, was delivered rather several years earlier, probably as early as 363. The source of the belief in a late date for the oration (368 or 369) is traceable to Sievers's Das Leben des Libanius, pp. 253, 203. As early as 1845, however (and of this v. Borries was apparently unaware), Clinton 2 put the date at 365, and considerably earlier than Clinton, Reiske in his edition of Libanius, 1791, says, referring to the λóyos Títápios (i. p. 620), 'certe non ante A. 365 exeuntem.' Perhaps it would not be necessary to raise the question again, after Clinton's assignment of the oration to 365, did there not seem to be danger of the Germans leading us astray on this point. There is, it would seem, really very little reason for putting the date as late as 368, and no reason at all for putting it as early as 363.

Sievers's prime mistake was in considering that Libanius's reference to the earthquake which followed the death of Julian must necessarily be to the earthquake of Oct. 11, 368, and not to that of July 21, 365. The passage in question reads as follows (i. p. 621): ἡ μέν γε γῆ καλῶς τε ᾔσθετο τοῦ πάθους, καὶ προσηκούσῃ κουρᾷ τὸν ἄνδρα ἐτίμησεν, ἀποσεισαμένη, καθάπερ ἵππος ἀναβάτην, πόλεις τόσας καὶ τόσας, ἐν Παλαιστίνῃ πολλὰς, τὰς Λιβύων ἁπάσας. κεῖνται μὲν αἱ μέγισται Σικελίας, κεῖνται δὲ Ἑλλήνων, πλὴν μιᾶς, αἱ πᾶσαι, κεῖται δὲ ἡ καλὴ Νικαία, σείεται δὲ ἡ κάλλει μεγίστη, καὶ θαρρεῖν περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος οὐκ ἔχει. ταῦτα αὐτῷ παρὰ τῆς γῆς, ἢ, εἰ βούλει γε, τοῦ Ποσειδῶνος. If we glance at the passages (given by Clinton, i. pp. 464, 470-471) that refer to the two earthquakes in question, there can be little doubt left in our

1 Hermes, xxvii. Die Quellen zu den Feldzügen Julians, pp. 176, 196.
2 Fasti Romani, i. p. 463.

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mind that it is the effects of the earlier of the two that Libanius is here describing (unless, indeed, we except the single reference to Nicaea; see below). The earthquake of 365 was accompanied by a tidal wave and inundation, and was general; per omnem orbis ambitum ; concutitur omnis terreni stabilitas ponderis (Ammian. 26, 10, 15-16), per totum orbem facto (Hieron.), κa✪ öλŋs tŷs yŷs (Theoph. p. 47 D). Besides Sicily (Hieron.), Alexandria and the coast of Laconia receive special mention (Ammian. 26, 10, 19). Sicily and Greece, and perhaps Alexandria, are mentioned by Libanius. The earthquake of 368, on the other hand, was local, and though the shock was a severe one, so severe as utterly to destroy Nicaea, no place other than Nicaea is mentioned as having been affected. The only question apparently in connection with Libanius's reference to the earthquake is: Is the single reference to Nicaea enough to induce us to put the oration after the earthquake of 368 as well as after that of 365? It seems not. Nicaea must have suffered from the earlier earthquake, which was so general, and Libanius's words in reference to the other places affected do not suggest to us that they were written more than three years after the event. The terminus post quem of the oration, however, is July 21, 365.

Equally suggestive of an early date (cf. Clinton, i. p. 465) is Libanius's notice about the inroads of the barbarians that followed the death of Julian (i. p. 620): Σκύθαι δὲ καὶ Σαυρομάται καὶ Κελτοὶ καὶ πᾶν ὅσον βάρβαρον ἠγάπα ζῆν ἐν σπονδαῖς, αὖθις τὰ ξίφη θήξαντες ἐπιστρατεύουσι, διαπλέουσιν, ἀπειλοῦσι, δρῶσι, διώκοντες αἱροῦσι, διωκόμενοι κρατοῦσιν, ὥσπερ οἰκέται πονηροὶ, δεσπότου τετελευτηκότος, ὀρφανοῖς ἐπανιστάμενοι. The same events are referred to by Ammianus and Zosimus. Ammian. 26, 4, 5, hoc tempore velut per universum orbem Romanum bellicum canentibus bucinis excitae gentes saevissimae limites sibi proximos persultabant. Gallias Raetiasque simul Alamanni populabantur, Sarmatae Pannonias et Quadi, Picti, Saxonesque et Scotti et Atacotti Britannos aerumnis vexavere continuis, Austoriani Mauricaeque aliae gentes Africam solito acrius incursabant, Thracias et diripiebant praedatorii globi Gothorum. Persarum rex manus Armeniis iniectabat.... Zos. 4, 3, 4, τῶν δὲ ὑπὲρ τὸν Ῥῆνον βαρβάρων, ἕως μὲν Ιουλιανὸς περιῆν, τὸ Ῥωμαίων ὄνομα δεδιότων, ἀγαπώντων τε εἰ μηδεὶς αὐτοῖς κατὰ χώραν μένουσιν ἐνοχλοίη, τῆς τούτου τελευτῆς ἀγγελθείσης

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