was always ready to enter the arena where duty called-especially if it was to defend the weak-aid the oppressed or relieve the distressed.

It was self-evident that with a soul and talents like his, he could not remain an idle spectator of the elements of revolution that were in motion. He was the kind of man to rouse the popular fury when circumstances would justify and required it. Warm-hearted, zealous, bold and daring-he was a necessary part in the political machine of that time to put the more sluggish parts in motion. He was an admirable fireman, a safe engineer, a good pilot and a popular captain. Liberal in his views, republican in his principles, a stickler for equal rights-he was among the first to strike for Liberty.

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He was elected a member of the first Congress in 1774. None but men of superior merit, known fortitude and pure patriotism were selected to represent their country's rights and repel the wrongs of monarchy. Such a man was Mr. Rutledge. His open frankness and bold exposure of the corruptions of the British ministry-preying upon the Colonies like canker worms, rendered him obnoxious to the adherents of the crown-the very thing to rouse such a man to determined action. Opposition seemed to kindle in his manly bosom a brighter flame of patriotic fire which he imparted to the friends of freedom without stint or measure.

With his ardor and zeal he united prudence and discretion-was a friend to order and cool deliberation. He acted from enlightened principles--aiming to build every superstructure on the firm basis of reason and justice. To this nobleness of design-conceived and adhered to by all the signers of the Declaration, may be attributed that lofty dignity which pervades that unique document.

Revolution is a tornado rarely chastened by prudence or discretion to neutralize its baneful effects. Up to the time of the American Revolution history claims no body of men to compare with those who constituted the Continental Congress-men who commanded the whirlwind of passion to stay its fury-who conducted the lightning of revenge. by the silken thread of reason to the goal of deliberation.

Mr. Rutledge was made a member of several important committees. He was appointed, in conjunction with Benjamin Franklin and John Adams to meet Lord Howe when he came to offer terms of ministerial peace. They were received with marked attention and respect by the royal messenger. He only had power to pardon repenting rebelsthese were not to be found. His insulting proposition was repelled with indignation. The committee disclaimed all allegiance to the crown-it had been sacrificed at the shrine of an ambitious and oppres

sive ministry. FREEDOM was their motto-LIBERTY their watchwordtheir terms--INDEPENDENCE OR DEATH. They had nobly resolved “to do or die.".

As a sound, judicious and able statesman, Mr. Rutledge was highly appreciated. He had also earned laurels in the battle field. He had long commanded a company in the ancient battalion of artillery. When the British landed at Port Royal in 1779, he led his company to the attack with the skill and courage of a veteran. At no Revolutionary battle was more personal bravery displayed than at this-nor was the enemy at any time more chagrined at a total defeat by raw militia. It was a mystery to them to find in the same man the statesman and the hero. He was subsequenly elected colonel. During the investment of Charleston in 1780, he was again on military duty-taken prisoner-sent to St. Augustine and was not exchanged for nearly a year. Before his return the dark clouds began to recede before the rays of rising hope and the day star of Liberty.

He returned to his native state and aided in restoring the civil government to order and systematic arrangement He was a member of the enraged Assembly at Jacksonborough in 1782. With his recent personal injuries pressing upon him and those of his friends bleeding fresh before him, he was induced to sanction the bill of pains and penalties, which, under other circumstances he would have opposed. During the time it remained in force he smoothed its roughness as much as possible.

Among those who had been tortured by persecution was his venerable mother who had been taken from her quiet home in the country and confined in Charleston then occupied by the British-because she was the mother of one of the rebels who had signed that burning instrument–the Declaration of Independence-a high compliment to her talents and patriotism-placing her on the list of fame with the noble matrons of Greece and Rome.

During the entire period of the unequal struggle with Great Britain, Mr. Rutledge rendered all the aid in his power to his injured country. At the final termination of hostilities-in a free land and with a free heart he returned to the bosom of his friends and the labors of his profession. His private worth, urbanity of manners and persevering industry in business, gained for him the confidence and esteem of community.

In the organization of the government of the state he took a conspicuous and useful part. Many difficulties were to be surmountedclashing local interests reconciled and laws adopted to restore to order and harmonious system the confusion consequent upon a change or government. A great commotion existed between debtors and creditors.

Specie was not to be had-the paper currency was nearly annihilateamany who had periled life for Liberty and shaken off the foreign yoke felt that they were again in cruel bondage. Many avaricious creditors were as destitute of mercy as the pirate is of compassion. Such bipeds still live, move and have a being-but thanks to the philanthropy and good sense of our legislatures, they are disarmed in many of the states from the most barbarous feature of their power-that of thrusting a poor debtor into prison for the crime of poverty. I am pained to own that there are instances on record in our country where veterans, who bled for our boasted freedom, have been incarcerated by the cold inquisitorial creditor for a sum so trifling that the miser would blush to name it.

As a panacea for this malady a law was passed making land a lawful tender for debts-a law purely republican but obnoxious to avarice and aristocracy. Mr. Rutledge did much to effect the adoption of this measure, imperiously demanded by the then existing circumstances of the community. He also advocated the instalment law and used his best exertions to ameliorate the condition of the poor and do justice to the rich by salutary and humane legislation. He took an active part in the public business generally. When the Federal Constitution was presented to his state for consideration he was in favor of its adoption although it contained some objectionable features in his mind. He was always opposed to slavery deeming it a national curse entailed by England.

If slavery did not exist in the South and the people knew its evils as they only can know and feel them, a very large majority would oppose its introduction. I have recently travelled in most of the southern states and speak from the record. Two-fifths of the white population of those states do not own a slave. The institution is one of a domestic nature to be governed and regulated by themselves. But for the unfortunate interference of our northern brethren, many, but not all of them prompted by philanthropic motives, gradual emancipation would have commenced years ago and left no food for demagogues and disorganizers to gorge themselves upon. Should the South interfere with any of the domestic concerns of the North, resistance would be instantaneous. I am no advocate of slavery-but understanding its origin, progress, present condition and practical operation and the feelings of the South-I repeat, that the interference of the North is a misfortune to the slave and the peace of our common country. But for this, four of the slave states would now be free. This Bohun Upas was dying a natural death-digging around it has renewed its age fifty years. The plan was conceived and put in operation by England through her emissary Dr. Thompson, as a

dernier resort to destroy the only republic hated and feared by the crowned heads of Europe. Let the South alone to correct their own evils. Let the subject be consigned to the capulet tombs rather than it should for a moment disturb the harmony of our glorious UNION. To the slave-sudden emancipation would be an irreparable injury. The question is one of fact rather than law-of imperious expediency rather than abstract reasoning. The slaves of the South are better bred, fed and clothed and more intelligent than the great majority of free negroes in free states.

Although partial to the French, when difficulties arose between that nation and England, Mr. Rutledge strongly censured the conduct of M. Genét and the French Directory for the stringent measures adopted. He was a moderate-not an ultra party man and always acted from a sense of duty and a pure desire for the good of the whole. His was a stern unflinching moderation-calculated to awe a mob, paralyze a faction and preserve pure and undefiled that lofty patriotism which commands esteem and respect and leads to peace and safety.

In 1798 Mr. Rutledge was elected governor of his native state. Soon after he entered upon the imposing duties of his office, disease suddenly seized and handed him over to the King of Terrors in the bright career of his gubernatorial term. During the legislative session of 1800, his health failed so rapidly that he felt a full assurance that his dissolution was fast approaching. He was anxious to return to Charleston that he might yield up his breath where he first inhaled the atmosphere. The constitution required the presence of the governor during the session of that body and so scrupulous was he to fulfil its letter, that he determined to remain unless both branches passed a resolution sanctioning his absence. The subject was submitted and becoming a matter of debate he at once withdrew it and remained until the adjournment. He was barely able to reach home when he laid down upon the sick bed and yielded to the only power that could conquer him-Death-on the 23d of January 1800. The same fortitude that had characterized his whole life was fully exemplified during his illness and dying hour. His loss was keenly felt and deeply mourned by the entire community of the state and by the friends of freedom throughout the nation. South Carolina had lost one of her brightest ornaments-one of her noblest sons.

Governor Rutledge stood high as an orator. He was familiar with the machinery of human nature-knew when to address the judgment and when the passions. In exciting the sympathy of a jury he had no equal at the Charleston Bar. He knew how, when and where to be

logical and what is all important in public and private life-he knew now, when and where to speak and what to say and stopped when done. His private worth and public services were an honor to himself, gratifying to his friends and beneficial to his country. His usefulness continued to the close of life-his fame is untarnished with error-his examples are worthy of imitation-his life had no blank. He married for his first wife, Harriet, daughter of Edward Middleton his colleague in the Continental Congress. By her he had a son and daughter-the latter settled in Charleston-the former, Maj. Henry M. Rutledge, was one of the pioneers of Tennessee. God grant that his descendants may imitate the virtues of their ancestor and fill the blank occasioned by the death of the wise, judicious, benevolent, patriotic and high-minded EDWARD RUTLEDGE.

ROGER SHERMAN.

THE man who has been rocked in the cradle of letters from his childhood-who has become familiar with general science, the classics and the philosophy of the schools-who has had a wealthy father to aid and doting mother to caress-who has enjoyed an uninterrupted course in some far-famed college and the most refined society-such a man is expected to mount the ladder of fame and become a shining light to those whose advantages have been limited to a primary school or no school. If, with all these advantages lavished upon him he sinks into obscurity, the fond anticipations of his doting parents and anxious friends set in gloom. Such has often been the case.

When we see a man whose opportunities of acquiring an education during childhood and youth carried him not far beyond the spellingbook-a man who had no father to aid him by wealth-warn him against the quicksands of error or point him to the temple of science-his intellect encased in the rude quarry of nature at the age of twenty-when we see such a man bursting the fetters that bind his mental powersthrowing off the dark mantle of ignorance-by a mighty effort unveiling his dormant talents and shining in all the beauty of intelligence and greatness, we are filled with admiration and delight.

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Such a man was Roger Sherman, the great grandson of Capt. John Sherman, who came from England to Watertown, Mass. in 1635. ger was the son of William Sherman, born in Newton, Mass. on the 19th of April 1721. His father was a respectable farmer with means too limited to educate his son and bound him an apprentice to a shoe