upon the throne? The comparifon is ridiculous and unworthy of a serious refutation. But are not these rebels of a different kind? Who is there among you, that would not combat any power upon earth, invading in the fame manner your privileges and rights-men defending againft the arm of power, what God and nature have given them, and no human power can jaftly wreft from them; the glorious privileges of the Revolution; thofe Whig principles which would in other days have excited this country to univerfal oppofition.-There is fome difference, I hope, to be made; fome allowance for men engaged in fuch a cause.

The language of adminiftration, of unconditional fubmiffion, driven out as you are from every port in America, does not become you; it is the language of vengeance and not of fenfe; of violence, not of reafon; of paffion, and not of common sense.

The idea of foreign danger may be thought vifionary; but are not France and Spain arming? Could they find a better opportunity? Would it be their intereft that you should conquer America? How would fuch a force as you must have affect their fears? Is not the French miniftry changed? Is not the queen thought to have great influence in that court, and in the new arrangement? Who is her great friend? Monf. Choifeul. Who is the avowed enemy of this country? Monf. Choifeul. Who is the lover of war? Monf. Choiseul.

The affurances of the pacific intentions of thofe powers, are told to you ;-who made them ?-the laft or the prefent adminiftration? What reliance can you have upon them? Why, Sir, I know a brave man, and as good as any officer as any in France; he held the fame language to me and yet this very gentleman, Monf. D' Ennery, is now fent out with an additional force to the French Weft-India islands.

I fhall trouble you no longer; the duty to my country, paramount to every obligation, obliges me to feize the only moment which remains between you and deftruction; when this horrid war is to be carried on with every circumstance of aggravation; German mercenaries carrying defolation along with them; flaves excited to cut the throats of their mafters: What can be more fhocking to a feeling mind! I have no intention but the public good. [A murmur from the treasury bench.] Yes, I fay it again; I have no other. What have I to get by it? What ever I have to lofe, what have I to gain I have heard a language in private companies of affection to connections, and engagements to private friends; perhaps there is an infirmity. I think the attention to the

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welfare of this great empire, is tranfcendent to every confideration. I hope and believe there is fuch a thing as men having a real opinion in Parliament. I lament the infirmnefs and inattention, for thefe laft five years, to public concerns. This language proceeds from that, but I difclaim it, and offer you this motion from my fervent and earnest regard to the welfare and profperity of this great empire. He moved "That an humble addrefs be prefented to his Majefty, praying that his Majefty would be graciously pleased to communicate to this House so much of the inftructions given to the Lord Viscount Howe and General Howe, his Majesty's commiffioners, as relates to the conditions on which it is propofed to make peace with, or receive the fubmiffions of, his Majefty's American fubjects now in arms."

Cavendis

Lord John Cavendish feconded the motion. His Lordship Lord Joba fpoke in high commendation of Lord Howe and General Cave Howe, as officers, but faid they have now got a character which they are intire ftrangers to, the filling of which, even if the nature of the bufinefs would permit, he much doubted whether they were equal to; however he, who was always against the beginning of this war, and who ever fince it began was always for putting an end to it, would never find fault with any means that would ftop the effufion of blood, and fettle the realm in peace. He owned he doubted of thefe means, fo far as the public had been able to guess what they were; he was willing to give his affiftance to any that would produce peace. That this could not be done without the interpofition and fanction of Parliament; he therefore must be of opinion that the inftructions ought to be communicated.

Lord North began by anfwering the argument ufed, that La. Nerth. the colonies could not truft the miniftry; and upon explanation of Lord Hillsborough's letter; he alerted that the minifters had never deceived the Americans. All which that letter engaged for as to repeal, had been done; all that it pledged government to as to future taxation, had been ftrictly adhered to. The letter promifed the repeal of the tax on glafs, paper, and painter's colours; but it never promised to repeal the tea duty; it promifed not to lay any future tax, no future tax has been laid..

He faid he did not object to the motion on account of the late period in the feffions in which it is moved. His objection was direct. He would oppofe the communication of any inftructions previous to their execution, unless there was fomething special in the cafe.

He

He never was of opinion that no rebels were to be treated with; his opinion always was, that if Great Britain was likely to draw any benefit from any treaty, he could fee no objection, or difference whether it was with a foreign enemy or with rebels, with armed rebels or with those who had laid down their arms.

Those who think we had better give up our rights; because fome rival ftate may interpofe againft our maintaining them, think meaner of our own ftrength and power than I feel it to be; and more unjustly of fuch foreign ftates than we have any reafon to do. Taking the propofition in general we ought always to be upon our guard against our rivals, and fo far to fear them; but in this cafe there is no fear.

Although he cannot think, and wonders how any person who has ever been entrusted to act with the powers of government can think, that the modes by which any commiffioner may be inftructed to carry any powers into execution, that the fecret fituation of perfons and things, that the fprings and motives should be made public; yet he has no objection to the laying the powers themselves before Parliament and the public. The act of Parliament doth in general prefcribe what they must be, and the commiffion gives fuch only as that act authorizes; it gives a power of granting general and also fpecial pardons: it empowers the commiffioners to confer with any of his Majefty's fubjects without exception; it authorizes and directs them to inquire into the ftate and causes of their complaints; it cannot offer any terms; no fuch have ever yet been fettled by Parliament, nor has the Congrefs or any of the Americans ever yet offered any which Parliament could liften to. These being the only powers of the commiffion, the inftructions can give no power of agreeing upon or fettling any terms of accomodation: they hold out no ultimatum; they make no conceffions; they do not prefume to bind Parliament; they cannot do that; they go to empowering the commiffioners, not to treat, but to confer, and to found, for grounds of peace: but all must be referred to Parliament. They are not plenipotentiaries; they cannot have full po.wers. Whatever gentlemen may think of the affections of the Americans in general towards this country, and their readiness to come to terms with us; I am fure their leaders will never feel or exprefs fuch duty towards us, unless they have fome proof of our refolution and power. It would be dangerous, even to peace itself, to hold out any propofition

which might not fucceed. The full extent of the plan, as contained in the commiffion, has been fuggefted to the perfons employed; further communications, at prefent, would be very improper: after the experiment is made, and the fervice actually gone into, whether it fucceeds or not, it will then be a proper object for Parliament to take under confideration in every part of it, at present I must object to those communications which the motion requires.

Mr. Burke. The noble Lord has not only refused to give Mr. Burke. the inftructions, but alfo to give any reafon why he will not. The noble Lord made, indeed, an exception in his refufal, and did allow there might be a special cafe in which fuch previous communication might be requifite: but if the special cafe, as ftated by the right hon. gentleman who made the motion, is not that special cafe, his Lordship's candour might have fpared itself the trouble of that exception, for there never can be any special cafe wherein fuch communication can be proper. I do juftice, however, to the principles of the noble Lord. In fpite of all violence which he is drawn to do to them, he hath again relapsed into his natural bias towards juftice and humanity. He is willing to give up taxation: he has no objection to treating, or at least to conferring with rebels; with rebels without exception, whether with arms in their hands, or after they laid down their arms. Although he will not tell this House what the terms to be offered or accepted are, yet to talk of conferring without fome inftructions on what terms the perfons conferring are to meet, is nonfenfe, downright nonsense. Some conditions are therefore in embrio, at leaft: but then how is this to be reconciled to the doctrine of another noble Lord, who, it is faid, has the confidence and the lead in these American measures; who is the executive minifter in this department? He can adinit no preliminary but unconditional Jubmiffion. Between the various jarring opinions of minifters themselves, (more oppofite at times than even those of oppofition itself are to them) the object of the war, or the ends of peace, have never yet been clearly fixed. In the very feffion in which unconditional fubmiffion feemed to be predominate and become the fixed object of the war ; in the very feffion, in which, after many puzzling and perplexed clafhings, a revenue feemed to be the end aimed at; in that very feffion, this fyftem of contradictions, this miniftry have sent out commiffioners to give up taxation and all expectation of a revenue, and to make peace without any notion of conditions. So far from expecting that the rebels fhould lay down their VOL. IV.

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arms,

arms, they are to treat; I will not ufe the word confer (I deteft. all quibbles unworthy the loweft petty-fogging attorney) they are to treat with rebels, whether they lay down their arms, or meet them in arms and array of arms. He then with much wit, defcribed thefe double commiffioners warring and treating, offering pardons both general and fpecial when they were beat, and plundering and carrying fire and devaftation into thofe quarters where they were to give peace. Mr. Vyner. Mr. Vyner declared, that the landed gentlemen came into these measures, in fupport of the fovereignty of the realm, and in expectation of a revenue from America, in aid of the common burthen. The refufal of which, was the first step to revolt in the Americans: and the eftablishing of which, was the fixed and determined object of the war. That in thefe expectations, they had chearfully come into the granting every fupply which had been demanded, had fixed upon their eftates a four fhillings tax, in the pound, which must last for ever. But he now found they had been amused; that they had been led into a fine fcrape; for all these were now to be given up without confulting, without even communication with Parliament. That it was now time to be explicit; it was now time to declare, that they could not go on any farther with fuch minifters, unless they abided by the plan which thefe minifters first held out to them, and on which the country gentlemen joined them.

Lo North. Lord North (to explain) faid, taxation was not to be given up. It was to be enforced. But whether at prefent, or hereafter, was a point of policy which the commiffioners would learn, by founding the people upon the fpot.

Mr. C. Fox.

Mr. C. Fox. According to the noble Lord's explanation, Lord Howe and his brother are to be fent out as fpies, not as commmiffioners. And if they cannot get on fhore, they are to found upon the coafts. On the point of taxation, the ingenuity of the noble Lord hath now reconciled what gentlemen might think abfolute contradiction. Parfiament, on one hand, pledged by Lord Hillsborough, and the royal word on the other were pledged by Lord Botetort from the feat of government, that no future tax fhall be levied; and this promife is to be kept facred. Yet, the country gentlemen are promifed a revenue. tea-duty, the only tax you have, makes no revenue. Yet a revenue must be had from America; and if the Americans will not of themselves give a revenue, we muft tax them, fays that tweet effence of wisdom the conciliatory motion.

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Lord