gives, for the measures he supports.

If this consideration had its due weight with a majority of voters, I am persuaded, the business of our towns generally, would be conducted with much greater unanimity, and much greater advantage to the publick interest. It is a melancholy spectacle to see a town divided against itself. In such a situation, no town ever did, nor ever can prosper. In your civil affairs, therefore, you will study the things that make for peace; the things that make for good order; the things that may make a favourable impression on the young men, who from year to year are coming forward to act as voters. You will consider your example as important to the rising generation; and adopt no means to carry favourite measures, which as good fathers and good men, you cannot conscientiously recommend to your own sons. You will set an example of moderation and candour; an example of true love for the honour of your town.

It belongs to you as legal voters, to raise money for the support of schools. Generous provision by law is made for this purpose. You are under legal obligation to raise a considerable sum; but if this sum prove inadequate to the just claims of your youth, you are under moral obligation to enlarge it. In providing schools for your children, you not only afford them the means of becoming respectable and useful in life; but you provide for supporting the government of your choice; for the security of your property, and of your neighbour's property; for the tranquillity and happiness of mankind. It is a maxim of our government, that one of its essential pillars is knowledge; that without the diffusion of a good portion of intelligence among the people, this government cannot be maintained. Popular ignorance may do for other governments, but it cannot do for ours. To speak of ignorant republicans, would be just as absurd, as to speak of enlightened slaves. But my friends, your concern with schools does not end with raising money for their support. The manner in which the money is expended, is of still greater importance, than the sum which is raised. You should pay particular attention to the qualifications of those, whom you employ to form the minds of your children. An ignorant teacher is little better than none: an immoral teacher is much worse than none. The teacher even of a common school, ought to be a person of respectable information. He ought to be one, who is given to reading and

fond of knowledge. He ought in fact, to know a great deal more, than he expects to impart to his pupils; otherwise, he cannot be apt in teaching even those things, which his pupils may wish to learn. Especially, should every teacher of youth be a person of sound morals. He should be one, whose general deportment and conversation will have a tendency to raise and improve the character of his pupils. Consider, my friends, what treasures you commit to the care of your schoolmasters. You commit to them the instruction of those, who are to bear up your names, when you shall be sleeping in the dust. You assign to them the high duty of forming the moral and intellectual character of those, who, in a few years more, will constitute the heads of families and the pillars of society in this place. Will you not then be attentive to the qualifications of the teachers you provide for them? Will you not seek for them such teachers as are worthy to bear a part in training up those, to whom the dearest interests of society will so soon be committed? Will you not take great pains to bring forward a well informed and virtuous race, to fill the places of their fathers, and to be ornaments to their families and town? If any anxieties, pertaining to this world, are virtuous, they are the anxieties we feel for our children; for their education, connexions, and standing in society. If we have no anxieties like these, we must be unnatural indeed; we must be destitute of the feelings of parents. These anxieties, however, are common to us all; but it is only through a careful provision for the intellectual, moral and religious education of our offspring, that we can hope to verify the proverb, "children's children are the crown of old men, and the glory of children are their fathers."

It belongs to the legal voters of this town, to determine the great question of supporting among them the regular ministrations of the gospel. It belongs to you, my friends, to determine, whether the God of your fathers shall here be statedly and unitedly worshipped; whether you will statedly and unitedly come together to inquire for a right way for yourselves and your little ones; that is, whether you will avail yourselves of the benefits, which a regular ministry would bring to you; or whether you will forsake the assembling of yourselves together, (as the manner of too many already is,) or go on with your present very scanty means of moral and religious instruction. The

question of a regular support of the gospel, is a question essentially connected with your character and prospects as a people; a question, which you are bound to decide with reference to another day, when all your conduct will be judged by him, who has already said, "unto whomsoever much is given, of him will be much required."

I am aware that a recent law of the State has taken from you what townsmen anciently considered one of their dearest rights, the right of providing as a town, for sup porting the institutions of religion. Were every voter in town heartily attached to the same order of christians, you could not call a town-meeting, and legally vote one dollar toward building a house of worship, or supporting a minister. But still there is a way in which you may enjoy, and legally enjoy, religious worship and instruction. You may associate as members of religious society, and support just such order as you agree to support. And if this institution of your fathers, or any other religious institution, is to be supported here, it is natural to expect, that it will chiefly be done by those who are voters in town affairs. And I beg you to be assured, that I consider myself as addressing those, who have a duty to perform in relation to this subject; that I consider myself as addressing reasonable men and conscientious men, who will not shut their eyes against the truth, and absurdly imagine, that because they have, for many years, neglected their duty, they may therefore continue to neglect it.

The language of the existing law concerning religion is this: You may support any religious institutions, or none at all, just as you please. But the Constitution of the State and the law of God speak a very different language. If you will take the trouble of reading the sixth article of the Bill of Rights, you will find, that, while it very properly guards the rights of conscience, it solemnly asserts the duty of supporting religious institutions. I trust I need not take up your time in shewing, that the Bible inculcates the same duty. I trust you will all admit the truth of these two propositions. First, that no government, depending on publick opinion, that is, no free government, can be supported without piety and good morals. And secondly, that piety and good morals cannot be cherished and maintained in the community, without publick instruction. For my part, I should expect, that mankind at large, would just as soon understand reading, writing and arith

metick, without schools or teachers; as become religious or moral, without publick instruction. I never heard of a virtuous people, who had not such instruction. Now, if you admit the truth of my two propositions, how can you possibly avoid the inference, that it is your duty to support the institutions of religion in this place? You are indeed bound to support them, by your regard for the government under which you live. You are bound as good citizens, to adopt the best and most obvious means of preserving in your town an orderly, sober, industrious race of men; a race of men, worthy to enjoy, and capable of maintaining a republican form of government. If you can do this without regularly supporting the "publick worship of the Deity, and publick instruction in religion, piety and moraliy," you possess a secret, which your fathers never dreamt of; and you will authorize the conclusion, that human nature is different here from what it is in all other parts of the world. But the truth is, my friends, if you would be an enlightened and moral people, you must take the same steps to this end, which the wise and good part of mankind have ever found to be necessary. This end can be attained by no other steps.

The influence of stated religious worship and instruction is visible, not only in the good order of towns, but in the relative value of real estate. Look through christendom, and you will find, that towns, where the institutions of religion are well supported, compared with towns in which they are in a great measure neglected, have a decided advantage in the value of their farms; and this advantage constitutes a fund, much larger than is requisite for the support of the gospel. The quality of the soil and local advantages do not determine the entire value of farms. It is a serious truth, that the character of the inhabitants, their disposition and habits in relation to schools, to the Sabbath, and to the institutions of religion, are taken into the account. This is true of every farming town in New-England; and it always will be true, while there remains among us a vestige of good principle. So that you are furnished even with pecuniary motives in favour of supporting the gospel; and so true is it, that godliness has promise of the life that now is. I would not recommend a shew of religion for the sake of worldly advantage. This certainly would be very wrong. But I would recommend, that you seriously consider the inti

mate connexion that subsists between the spiritual and temporal welfare of mankind. You cannot direct me to any numerous community on the face of the whole earth, comparatively distinguished for piety and good morals, and not, at the same time, comparatively distinguished for temporal prosperity.

I might now offer to your consideration the purely religious motives which should induce you to support the preaching of the gospel. I might speak of the importance of the means of grace, as connected with salvation. But I have time only to observe on this topick, that the preaching of the gospel is the great instrument, which God, in every age of the church, has made use of to convert and save the souls of men.

There are several apologies for neglecting, or refusing to support the institutions of religion, which in our destitute towns are more or less urged, and which deserve to be considered. One of these apologies is this: The people are so divided, that the support of a minister is impracticable. Now, my friends, wherever division consists in want of kind and good feelings, it is manifestly criminal in itself, and cannot justify the neglect in question. It shews that religion and morality are low, and that publick worship and instruction are very much needed to bring about a better state of things. And I know of nothing so well calculated to create, and cherish, and keep alive the friendly affections among a people, as the habit of meeting one another in the solemn assembly, where all are reminded of their personal frailties and sins, and taught to exercise a spirit of forgiveness one toward another. What can you imagine more likely to counteract the spirit of wrath, and clamour, and evil speaking, than frequently assembling yourselves together, in the more especial presence of Him, whose offspring you are, and whom you are to remember as your common parent? The mere coming together, in an orderly and decent manner, and seeing one another, has a happy influence in cultivating friendly dispositions. By frequently meeting in this way, you acquire an interest in one another's welfare; you feel like brethren, having a common interest to promote. And if you come together with the prayer in your hearts, as well as on your lips, that your debts may be forgiven as you forgive your debtors, you cannot avoid becoming an affectionate and united people.