was done by America. This might be so; but he was sure it would not be long before America would see the necessity of regulating the conduct of her naval officers by her own laws. With respect to the capture of the Hebe, the Admiralty had no knowledge of it. As to the Livonia, they certainly were in possession of circumstances connected with the seizure of that vessel, and it was a case open to extreme suspicion. He was in possession of 18 cases of detention of British vessels in the Pacific ocean, In those 18 cases, there was only one instance of complete condemnation. It was said that this country might protect foreign property, by allowing the use of British papers. But if that were once permitted, where were they to stop? As to the vessels of whose depredations the merchants complained, if they were met and recognized as pirates, they would be treated as such: but it was impossible that their naval officers should carry about with them the powers of a court of admiralty, to decide what cases were and what were not piratical. The only complete case of condemnation amongst those 18 was that of the Lydia. Another vessel had also been condemned, but as some doubts arose as to the justice of the condemnation, the cargo had been sold, and the proceeds lodged in the treasury of Chili for a year, to await the event of any appeal that might be made. This showed that the Chili government did not deal with cases of this kind in that off-handed way which had been imputed to them. The Rebecca, the Catalina, the Edward Ellice, the Lord Suffield, the Washington, and the Robert, had been released. The case of the Columbia remained undecided. There were four cases of a peculiar character. These were the cases of vessels detained by the Chilian squadron under lord Cochrane. He seemed to think, because he was carrying on war against Peru, which he supposed to be subject to the colonial laws of Spain, that therefore he was entitled to deal with the property which he found proceeding thither by sea, in the same manner that the Chilian government would dispose of it if they met it on land. He would not, he said, allow the enemies of Chili to reap any benefit from the duties which the cargoes would produce, and therefore he seized them. This was a sort of law which lord Cochrane might understand, but certainly his majesty's government did not recognize it; and they had directed strong remonstrances to be made to the Chilian government on the subject. He saw nothing in the tone or temper of that government; of which he had any right to complain, and he hoped they would be able to bring lord Cochrane to reason. If this government could not alter the laws of Spain, they could not allow lord Cochrane to set up a new code of laws of his own. Therefore it would be necessary to discuss with the Chilian government the question which lord Cochrane had raised. He would, under these circumstances, recommend the gentlemen who were interested in the South American trade (unless they could persuade themselves and the public that there was some supineness in the govern ment of the country, some deficiency in adopting proper measures by the present naval administration), to exert their acti vity in pointing out to ministers the best mode by which those piratical practices could be removed, instead of bringing their complaints before the House; because he believed that very little practicable advantage could be derived from explanations given in parliament. Complaints of this nature led only to statements pointing out the difficulties which presented themselves in acting against the obnoxious parties. On these grounds, he hoped gentlemen would not attribute to government or to the naval administration of the country, any supineness; as he could not help thinking that, under all the circumstances, government had conducted this great and important question in a most satisfactory manner. Hear, hear.] Mr. Bright said, he could not acquit the Admiralty of supineness. It was stated, that this was a question with independent powers. He denied the fact. There were two questions: the first with Chili and Peru, which he admitted to be independent states; the second, with the pirates on the island of Cuba. The noble lord and his colleague said, "If we find out pirates, we know how to deal with them." He would ask, what did a pirate mean? Did it mean a small vessel coming suddenly out of a place of concealment, her crew armed with swords, pistols, and knives, robbing defenceless vessels, plundering their car goes, and hanging up their crews? Sir G. Cockburn.-If such a vessel had proceeded from Spain, under Spanish colours, she would not be a pirate. Spain would have to answer for any outrage committed by that vessel. If a vessel were met, sailing under a black flag, bearing an inscription" We are friends to plunder, and enemies to every power we come up with," or if a ship were discovered bearing no colours whatever, there could not be any doubt as to the course to be adopted towards her; but the case was very different when ships were sailing under a particular flag. man in much of his description of what ought to be done, had accurately described what the Admiralty had done. The orders given on the 23rd of March last, to the Commanding officer on the West India station, recapitulated the representations made to the court of Spain, and directed, as no answer was yet received from the Spanish government, that a ship should be sent to cruize off Cape St. Antonio, and to cut off the pirates, if it was possible, without violating the Spanish territory. The principle, that they should not suffer Spanish papers or Spanish character to cover acts of violence, and that if the Spanish government did not put down these pirates, we should ourselves do it, had been laid down from the time the government first heard of these outrages. It might be asked, why these principles bad not been acted on? Was the hon. gentleman prepared to say, that without giving Spain an opportunity to inquire into the matter, we should invade her colony? The hon. member said that this was a serious matter, that it admitted of no delay, that it was a system of blood and death. And to avoid this, the hon. gentleman would at once plunge two nations, and the whole of Europe, in war. If this was his mode of preventing blood, it was fortunate that the hon. gentleman did not direct the councils of the state. The hon. gentleman wished no attention to be paid to national flags. There would never be peace in the world if every individual officer was to judge when a national flag should afford Mr. Bright said, he was then to understand, that if a vessel were provided with simulated papers, and hoisted any flag the crew thought fit to assume, she was not to be treated as a pirate, although she had committed dreadful outrages. If that were the case, there was an end of all security on the sea; for nothing could be more easy than to fit out a vessel under these false pretences, and to rob and plunder every ship that was inferior to her in force. When the crew of a vessel perpetrated acts which were unknown to civilized war, she must be considered prima facie as a pirate. This was the line taken by the Americans. Was a case of this kind to be met by fictions of law and metaphysical fallacies? Were those marauders to be allowed to destroy all the property on the sea, in consequence of some technical subtilty? They, as practical men, must look at the essence of the thing; they must examine the risk which they would run by putting down those piratical practices. Where was the difference between America and England? Why should the former do that which the latter had neglected to do? Had we ves-protection. The laws of nations were sels waiting in those particular places which were infested by the pirates? This want of energy proved the weakness, not of the country, but of the government, who ought to protect the commerce of the nation. This incipient system of piracy was of more importance than might, at first view, be imagined. The history of the Bucaniers ought to excite a strong desire to destroy the present gang of pirates, before they became formidable. The depredations committed by the vessels which hovered about Cape Antonio were directly similar to the outrages formerly perpetrated by the bucaniers. Unless the Spanish government would put down this piratical system, England must take the matter into her own hands, and deal with those plunderers as their crimes merited. Mr. Croker said, that the hon. gentle rules of expediency founded on international rights, and on the general utility in the majority of cases, and were not to be broken down for the convenience of a moment. In the cases in question, the difficulty was, that there was no simulation; the papers were real papers; these vessels were what they professed to be, but they abused their rights by attacking neutrals instead of enemies. The hon. member's assertion, that the states in question were at peace with all the world, was as extraordinary in point of fact, as the advice that flags should not be respected was in point of law. Spain was at war with no less than six colonies, and two of these were at war with one another. Unless a case of criminality was made out, it was better that the complaints should be made to the government than in that House. A strong proof of the weight of this government was the fact, that in the Pacific only two condemnations of British ships had taken place; the one was a case of manifest fraud; in the other, such was the force of the representations of this government, that the proceeds were vested in the treasury to await an appeal; and instructions had in due time been given to sir T. Hardy to lodge an appeal accordingly. Dr. Lushington said, it was not possible for the government, whatever might be its exertions, to protect our commerce from all inconvenience during the continuance of the present hostilities. There was now a war between Spain and her colonies, and while that war continued, our ships would be subject to the right of visitation and search, unless we denied that right to others which we vindicated for ourselves. While visitation and search might be carried on, our vessels must be subject to occasional vexation and inconvenience in the manner of executing it, and to liability to condemnation, if the laws of war were violated; for if a neutral vessel entered the port of a belligerent that was de facto blockaded, she was undoubtedly liable to be condemned. These mischiefs, he hoped, would always continue. The right of visitation and search was the most valuable which England possessed. He desired to see it freely allowed to other states; and if, as in the present instance, it was attended with some inconvenience to the mercantile interest, it would be infinitely outweighed by the advantage to that very interest in time of war. Another point was attended with greater difficulty, and arose out of the state of our relations with the South American States. We did not yet acknowledge them as independent states. What, then became of territorial claims with reference to those colonies, which were in this dilemmade facto, the territory was in the independent states, de jure, in Old Spain? yet it must be the union of both characters to constitute a basis of a territorial claim. The noble lord had said that Spain was not at liberty to enforce her colonial laws, as she was not in possession of her colonies. Now, he could not but remember the case of St. Domingo. That colony was wrested from France in 1794; yet in 1803, the High Court of Appeal held that it was still to be considered a French colony. He was most anxious to see Great Britain come forward, as early as her honour would permit, to acknowledge the independence of the South American States. He was aware there was some little difficulty, on account of the treaty which the noble lord had unfortunately signed, in which it was stipulated that we should not give assistance of a particular description to the revolted colonies, and it was moreover declared that his Britannic majesty was most anxious that they should return to their allegiance. That treaty hardly should have been signed, seeing that general Picton, as representative of this government in 1798, urged, by all the means in his power, these colonies to assert their independence; and though those persuasions did not then take effect, great part of the noble and generous courage of the inhabitants of South America had been called forth by those incitements of our government. As to Cuba, it had been said, that before any steps were taken against the pirates who harboured there, it was necessary to apply to the government of Old Spain. If Cuba was a colony de facto and de jure of Spain, then it might be necessary to make previous communications to the mother country; but if, as was the case, Cuba was governed by a government in reality not at all dependent upon Spain, though it might be right as a matter of compliment to make an application to the mother country, it would be absurd to wait long for her to do that which she had not the power of doing. We should go to the government of Cuba and say, "we presume you must have received such orders as a civilized government would give;" and if measures were not taken, the task of seizing and punishing the pirates would devolve upon us. Ordered to lie on the table. HOUSE OF LORDS. THE SPEAKER'S SPEECH TO THE KING.] His majesty arrived in the usual state at the House of Peers, and having taken his seat on the throne, the gentleman usher of the Black Rod was ordered to desire the attendance of the Commons. The Speaker of the House of Commons, accompanied by a considerable number of members, appeared at the bar, and delivered the following speech: May it please your Majesty-We, your Majesty's faithful Commons of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliament assembled, attend your majesty with the last bill of supply of these painful deliberations, when a louder and more lamentable call was made on our attention. a session most unusual in its duration, and in which subjects of the highest import ance to the country, and I may add, too, of the greatest difficulty aud delicacy, have engrossed our anxious and unwearied attention. "Your Majesty was graciously pleased, at the commencement of the session, to suggest for our early consideration, the distress under which the agricultural districts in this country were labouring, and the disorders and outrages which were prevailing through large districts in Ire land. "Sire,-In considering the distress of the agricultural districts a subject over which Parliament alone could have but a very partial and imperfect control-it was obvious that the only efficient relief within our reach was such a reduction of taxation as could be effected consistent with an adequate provision for the services of the state, and with a due regard to the maintenance of public credit. "After a detailed and scrutinizing examination of the estimates for the current year, a remission of taxation, large in its amount, and we hope as considerable in its relief, has been effected by a new apportionment of the burthen arising from the payment of the military and naval pensions and civil superannuations, and by a reduction of the five per cent. annuities, one of the greatest financial measures that the history of this country can afford, and carried into execution with less of difficulty, delay, or embarrassment than could have been anticipated by the most sanguine expectations. And further, we have made such new regulations with respect to the introduction of foreign corn into the home market, as we hope may relieve the British grower from those inconveniences and losses, to which, under the former law, he might have been subject. "In considering, Sire, the state of Ireland, we lost no time in passing such measures as seemed best calculated to restore peace and tranquillity to the disturbed districts. These measures, severe as they were, from the emergency that called for them, were enacted but for a very limited period; and when the time arrived for their re-consideration, though compelled to renew the Insurrection act, it was matter of great consolation to us, that no necessity existed for further continuing the Habeas Corpus act. "Famine, with its usual attendant, deadly disease, were raging in large and populous districts in Ireland, and were extending their ravages with a speed and malignity that threatened death and destruction to all around. "This was no time, Sire, to discuss the difficulty and delicacy (as under more ordinary circumstances) of the interference of parliament with the food of the people. There was but one course consistent either with the feelings or with the duty of a British House of Commons-liberally and promptly to advance every supply that your majesty's confidential advisers in Ireland could conceive necessary to arrest the progress of so grievous a visitation. "Sire, we performed this duty most promptly and most cheerfully; and we trust most sincerely that the object may be accomplished. "It would ill become me to detail at greater length the various other subjects of great importance with which we have been occupied; but I may be permitted, in conclusion, to express a perfect conviction, that your Majesty's faithful Commons, by their unwearied assiduity of deliberation through this long and laborious session, and by their sincere and zealous exertions to effect whatever might be most conducive to the present relief, and to the permanent interests of the empire at large, have entitled themselves to your Majesty's most gracious approbation, and to the full and entire confidence of the public. "The Bill which I have now humbly to present to your Majesty is entitled, An Act for applying certain Monies therein mentioned for the service of the year 1822, and for further appropriating the supplies granted in this session of parliament,' to which, with all bumility, we pray your Majesty's royal assent.' THE KING'S SPEECH AT THE CLOSE OF THE SESSION.] After the royal assent had been given to the said Bills, his Majesty closed the session with the following Speech to both Houses :— "My Lords and Gentlemen; "I cannot release you from your attendance in Parliament, without assuring you how sensible I am of the attention you have paid to the many important objects which have been brought before you in the course of this long and laborious session. "I continue to receive from foreign powers the strongest assurances of their friendly disposition towards this country; and I have the satisfaction of believing, that the differences which had unfortunately arisen between the court of St. Petersburgh and the Ottoman Porte are in such a train of adjustment as to afford a fair prospect that the peace of Europe will of this, and of other measures, to relieve my people from some of their burthens. "My Lords and Gentlemen; "The distress which has for some months past pervaded a considerable por tion of Ireland, arising principally from the failure of that crop on which the great body of the population depends for their subsistence, has deeply affected me. "The measures which you have adopt. ed for the relief of the sufferers meet with my warmest approbation; and, seconded as they have been by the spontaneous and generous efforts of my people, they have not be disturbed. most materially contributed to alleviate "Gentlemen of the House of Com-the pressure of this severe calamity. mons; "I have the satisfaction of knowing "I thank you for the supplies which that these exertions have been justly apyou have granted me for the service of preciated in Ireland, and I entertain a the present year, and for the wisdom you sincere belief that the benevolence and have manifested in availing yourselves of sympathy so conspicuously manifested the first opportunity to reduce the in- upon the present occasion will essentially terest of a part of the national debt, with-promote the object which I have ever had out the least infringement of parliamentary faith. "It is most gratifying to me that you should have been enabled, in consequence at heart-that of cementing the connexion between every part of the empire, and of uniting in brotherly love and affection all classes and descriptions of my subjects." ADDENDUM. The following will be found a more correct Report of the Speech of the Marquis of Titchfield, on presenting a Petition from Lynn, praying the interference of the House for a Remission of the remainder of Mr. Hunt's Sentence, than the one given at page 1. The Marquis of Titchfield presented a petition from some inhabitants of the town of Lynn, praying the interference of the House, for the remission of the remainder of Mr. Hunt's sentence. He said, he would not trouble the House with reading the whole of the petition, but he wished to read enough of it to explain the object and motives of the petitioners in their own words. The noble marquis then read some parts of the petition, in which the severity of the sentence and the cruelty practised towards this victim of ministerial hatred were spoken of, and the case of sir Manasseh Lopez referred to as a precedent in favour of Mr. Hunt. The noble marquis pro ceeded to offer some observations on the subject of the petition, but in so low a tone of voice, that few of thein were audible in the gallery. We understood him to say, that he was glad of this opportunity of observing, that he cordially agreed with the petitioners in the object they had in view, although he differed with them decidedly as to some of the reasons they had assigned in support of it. He certainly could not assent to any imputations against his majesty's ministers for their conduct in this matter, for he thought they had done no more than their duty in ordering the prosecution of Mr. Hunt. Still less could he participate in |