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the whole mass of the people in this country, but the whole of Europe, were unanimous in condemning the proceedings which were instituted against her majesty, not to pay some deference to the wishes of their constituents, betrayed, on the part of the House, a contempt for public opinion which never ought to be exhibited in a free state. Dear as the emancipation of the Catholics was to every one who valued civil and religious liberty, he would not have it carried without the concurrence of the people. He believed the people approved of it. They ought not to dictate changes to that House; but the House ought to regard their disposition and temper. The judgment formed by posterity of the conduct of the House ought to be considered, and not the bias manifested by contemporaries. Let them now reflect what decision was irrevocably passed upon the measures of the House of Commons in former periods-upon the measures of those

"Quorum Flaminia tegitur cinis, atque Latina." what was now the settled judgment formed upon that most important question the American war? The House had then addressed the Crown by a large majority; and from some strange change, on which it would be now vain to speculate, they went up soon afterwards with an address of quite a contrary description. The present time confirmed the judgment of the opposition, and condemned the base acquiescence of the majority in every instance. But, the moral evil of the present system, independently of its effects, was itself quite dreadful. Could any thing be more disgusting than the shuffling answers, and the suspicious silence, of persons brought to their bar charged with corruption at elections? He knew not if human nature ever appeared baser than when persons stood at their bar with a knowledge of facts which it was their whole study to conceal by prevarication. Another view of human nature was indeed still lower-it was that presented by the members of that House who had been the means of all this corruption and perjury, and who sat wishing success to the most loathsome falsehoods. Was it not a dreadful evil to see persons sent to gaol for what they were compelled, and properly compelled, to declare before the committees? This foul and disgusting disease was no anatomical nicety. If the examinations before, their committees

were generally distributed and understood, the country would be still louder in demanding reform. If the evil were latent, it might be imprudent to reveal it; but that question was no longer open to doubt or cavil. The right hon. gentleman had ingeniously put it to the advocates of reform, to refer to the period when the representation had been such as they would now have it. Suppose there had been no such period, were they therefore precluded from reforming a flagrant and intolerable abuse? This question was not asked when a bill was brought in to reform any other abuse. The people of England had a right to be fairly, fully, and freely represented. Was it not a grievance to be remedied, that, in a season of distress, when hunger stimulated to sedition, the people should be left a prey to any demagogue who could point to the state of the representation, and the character of that House? It was, too, a most pernicious evil, both in a moral and political point of view, to see a species of consecration given to sacrifice of principle, dereliction of character, and venal barter of opinions. Corruption thus

"Mounts the tribunal, lifts her scarlet head, "And sees pale Virtue carted in her stead." What was that influence, which they heard openly avowed and defended, but, in plain, homely, intelligible language, that members of that House should be bribed by the possession of places to vote contrary to justice and public policy? The Cash Resumption bill of 1819 had been referred to. Let them refer to the imposition of new taxes in 1819, and say whether that was an act of wisdom for the interests of the people. But, the great evil was the preservation of useless places to enable gentlemen to vote against the people. It might be said that they approved of the measures which they supported; but if they did, it was an insult to say that they must be paid for supporting what they approved of. There was a degree of absurdity in gentlemen passing from one side to the other, and talking of purity of motives, as the right hon. gentleman who had spoken for himself had done. The disfranchisement of boroughs, as recommended by the right hon. gen. tleman, would never apply to the representatives of peers. The corruption of the House did, in fact, dispense with the exercise of the other two branches of the legislature, on the very ground, of the

right hon. gentleman. That House was become the influenced organ of every act of government, without the confidence of the public, and even without the respect of government; for a right hon. gentleman had told them last night, that he would set at naught the unanimous vote of that body. He was ashamed to have occupied so much of their time; but he could not refrain from offering a few observations in support of a motion which had his most hearty concurrence.

Mr. Peel merely rose to take some notice of an allusion which had been twice made, to an observation which had fallen from him last night. He did not rise to explain away or retract, but to repeat and uphold what he said with reference to the case of Mr. Hunt. He informed the House last night, that he had advised the Crown not to exercise what he considered the peculiar, exclusive, and almost sacred prerogative of mercy, in the case of Mr. Hunt. He had declared, at the same time, that if the House should determine unanimously to address the Crown in behalf of Mr. Hunt, he would not be the instrument for carrying such a recommendation into effect. This sentiment he now repeated. He did not use it as a menace. He felt himself called upon to make that declaration, from a conscientious conviction as to the merits of the case; and he should consider himself unworthy of the place he held, if any circumstances could induce him to become the instrument of carrying into effect a which he felt to be inconsistent purpose with his conscientious sense of duty. After a short reply, the House divided:

Ayes, 164; Noes, 269.

List of the Minority.

Curwen, J. C.
Creevey, T.
Calthorpe, hon. F.
Calvert, Ń.
Davies, T. H.
Denison, W. J.
Denman, Thos.
Duncannon, visct:
Dundas, hon. T.
Dundas, C.
Dickinson, W.
Ebrington, visct.
Ellice, E.
Evans, W.
Ellis, hon. G. Agar
Fergusson, sir R. C.
Foley, J. H. H.
Frankland, R.
Grattan, J.
Graham, S.
Grant, J. P.
Griffith, J. W.
Guise, sir W.
Gaskell, B.
Gurney, R. H.
Haldimand, W.
Hamilton, lord A.
Heathcote, sir G.
Heathcote, G. J.
Heron, sir Robt.
Hill, lord A.
Hobhouse, J. C.
Hornby, E.
Hughes, W. L.
Hume, J.
Hurst, R.
James, W.
Johnson, col.
Jervoise, G. P.
Kennedy, T. F.
Lamb, hon. G.
Lambton, J. G.
Latouche, R.
Lemon, sir W.

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Lennard, T. B.

Lloyd, sir E.

Leycester, R.

Lawley, F.

Townshend, lord C.

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Langston, J. H.

Taylor, C.

Althorp, visct.

Boughton, sir W.E.R.

Lester, B. L.

Warre, J. A.

Anson, sir G.

Bentinck, lord W.

Anson, hon. G.

Calvert, C.

Lushington, S.
Marryat, Joseph

Webbe, E.

Beaumont, J. W.

Chaloner, R.

Maberly, J.

Barnard, visct.

Calcraft, John

Maberly, W. L.

Barrett, S. M.

Campbell, W. F.

Macdonald, J.

Becher, W. W.

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Bennet, hon. H. G.

Martin, J.

Benyon, B.

Maule, hon. W.

Bernal, R.

Maxwell, J. W.

Birch, J.

Milbank, M.

Brougham, H.

Burdett, sir F.

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Bury, visct.

Coke, T. W.

Byng, G.

Boughey, sir J. F.

Colborne, N. R.
Concannon, L.

Benett, J.

Belgrave, visct.

Crespigny, sir W. De
Crompton, S.

Carew, R. S.
Carter, John
Cavendish, H.

Cavendish, C.
Clifton, viscount

Milton, visct.

Moore, P.

Marjoribanks, S.
Normanby, visct.
Newman, R. W.

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Newport, rt. hon. sir J.

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SCARCITY OF PROVISIONS IN IRELAND.] The Earl of Darnley expressed his surprise that no proposition had yet been submitted to the House respecting the state of Ireland. He did not now mean to enter into any discussion on the moral or political state of that country, but he thought himself bound to notice the great distress which, according to the best information, prevailed throughout Ireland. The noble earl opposite must be aware that there was an increasing distress in that country from the actual want of provisions. His object in mentioning this lamentable state of things was, to learn from the noble earl whether the at- | tention of government had been called to the distress prevailing in Ireland, and whether any measures of relief had been adopted.

The Earl of Liverpool said, he had no hesitation in stating, that government had received information that distress for the want of provisions was great in some parts of Ireland. The subject, however, had not been overlooked by government, and measures, conformable to precedents established on former occasions and found sufficient, had been resorted to. With regard to the general question of relief in such cases, he must say, that nothing, except in extreme cases, could be more improper than the interference of government with the subsistence of the country. Such interference was far more likely to cause famine, than to give relief in times of difficulty. What ought to be done by the government with respect to the whole country might be illustrated by the reply made to a foreigner who expressed his surprise that so great a city as London should be so well supplied without any regulations. He was answered, that the reason of its being so well supplied, was precisely because there were no regulations for that purpose. The course to be followed in the present case was the same which had been adopted on former occasions. He appealed to the noble peers who had lately returned from Ireland, whether they were not satisfied, that whatever could be done to relieve the present distress, would be done, and was doing?

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Monday, April 29.

Mr.

The

AGRICULTURAL DISTRESS.] Gcoch presented a petition from several considerable land owners in Suffolk, complaining of agricultural distress. petitioners prayed, that such a reduction of public expenditure might be effected as would justify a further reduction of taxation; but they expressed an apprehension, that no immediate relief could be derived from that source. He viewed with great dismay the distressed state of the agriculturists. A remission of taxation he knew would assist them; and as far as a reduction of establishment could enable that to be done, he would do it. He had felt it his duty to move in the last session, that some notice should be taken of the numerous agricultural_petitions on the table of the House. In the committee which was appointed, he was nominated chairman, and he would not flinch from any of the responsibility that might attach to him on that account. It had been thought proper that that committee should be re-appointed this year; but he was sorry to say, that their report contained nothing satisfactory to the country. It proposed no measures calculated to afford immediate adequate relief. It should, however, be borne in mind how difficult it was to discover any such remedy for the present evils. The markets were glutted to the extreme, and corn must either be removed from the market, or more money must be brought into it for that purpose. A prohibitory duty on the importation of corn was what would be most beneficial to the farmer. When the ports were opened in 1820, by means of a fraud, 700,000 quarters of oats were admitted; and with an average consumption of 30,000,000 a-year, it was surprising the effect which that importation had in lowering the prices. He agreed in the system of duties, but not as to the quantum: the duties recommended by the report were not sufficient. This country could not maintain her station in Europe if its agriculture were allowed to sink. The petitioners, amongst other remedies, prayed for a reform in parliament. In this he did not agree with them, being satisfied that reform would not put one shilling into the pocket of the farmer.

Mr. Hume observed, that this was not the first time that the hon. member had expressed his anxiety to relieve the dis

tress of the agriculturist. But in the trenerous motions had been made for the remission of taxes, and the reduction of expenditure, he did not recollect having had the pleasure of having the hon. member in the minority. What was the use, then, of presenting petitions of this kind, and talking about raising the price of corn, if he would not assist in lowering and abolishing useless establishments, in order to effect that which he acknowledged to be the only remedy? The only way to relieve the country was, to reduce the price of production, and to export the surplus corn to other countries. Up to the year 1760 or 1770, this was an exporting country. He hoped the hon. member, by his future conduct, would make up for his past omissions.

distresses of the petitioners. They complained of the stress which had fallen on them, and prayed for that protection to which the British farmer was entitled. They prayed for a reform in that House, and a system of fair and equal representation, of which property should be the basis. They demanded retrenchment in every department, and called for the reduction of sinecures, and all useless offices. The petition he presented with pleasure, as he was always gratified when his constituents called for reform in firm, but constitutional language. In the hundred from which this petition came, there were but two magistrates, both of whom were clergymen. On the propriety of placing clergymen in such situations he offered some remarks, and commented on their conduct in withholding their sanction from the meeting at which this petition had been voted, and thus attempting to interpose an obstacle to the exercise of the right of petitioning.

Mr. Coke presented a petition from the hundred of Earsham, in the county of Norfolk. He stated the distress in that part of the country to be such, that many farmers were quitting their farms, and giving up agricultural pursuits altogether. Mr. Wodehouse said, that with respect He believed most firmly that no relief to the report, he thought it right to say, was to be expected from the noble that it had proved generally unsatisfactory marquis who had so long managed that to the country. It did not protect the House and the country. This was the farmer against the importation of foreign opinion of the petitioners, all of whom grain; but he had no hesitation in saying, went further than formerly, and called for that effectual relief could not be afforded reform in that House as the only remedy till the great pressure of the public for the existing distress. He agreed with burthens had been mitigated. As the them that the only perfect remedy for the language he held was thought inconsistent evil was to be found in a reform in that with his conduct in some instances, he House, and he hoped the example set by was anxious to explain his reasons for these petitioners would be followed by voting in favour of keeping up the sinking every hundred in the country. If this fund, and for opposing the repeal of the were done, it would be impossible for the salt-tax. Whether in the present state government to resist the public voice. of the country it was wise to preserve the Ultimately, the public voice would make sinking fund was certainly questionable. itself heard; but he feared that it would But he could not make up his mind to be in some other way than through the dispense with it: as it was difficult to calmedium of that House. He complained culate what effect this might produce on of the manner in which the complaints of public credit. When the question on the petitioners had hitherto been treated. salt-tax was brought forward, he had Some years ago, on a petition being pre- looked at the peculiar situation in which sented, the noble lord opposite had re- the government was placed. They had marked on the ignorant impatience of lost by the malt-tax, which had been taxation" which prevailed. Perhaps similar given up, 2,000,000l. The repeal of the language might be held on the present salt-tax would have taken from them occasion; but, whatever might be said, it another million; and this too at a time was most afflicting to see the county to when the government was engaged in which he belonged, and which was so paying off the 5 per cents. Under these closely identified with that noble science circumstances, he had not thought it right to which his life had been devoted, re-to vote against ministers on that occasion. duced by the burthens under which it He had now a few words to offer on what laboured almost to a state of beggarry. had fallen from his hon. colleague on the Relief ought to be given without delay.subject of the meeting at which this petiNo attention, however, was paid to the tion had been voted. He had alluded to

Mr. Bennet said, that he was present at the Surrey meeting alluded to, and would observe, that if lord King had not so spoken of Mr. Cobbett, he (Mr. B.) would have said, what he now declared, that Mr. Cobbett was entitled to the thanks of the country, for the able and clear manner in which he investigated many interesting subjects. But if lord King had thought proper to make such a statement, what right had the hon. member to condemn him in his absence? The opinion of the noble lord was as good as that of the hon. member. There was in that noble lord that quickness and acuteness of intellect which, while he was by birth a descendant of the great Locke, was a further proof of his claim to the honour of which he had so much reason to be proud.

Mr. Wodehouse said, he believed the words used by lord King with respect to Mr. Cobbett, were to the effect," that he was the most able and intelligent writer of this or any former time, on political subjects." Mr. Cobbett had been a good deal in the county of Norfolk of late. His exertions during the last year had been directed to persuade the people of England that the farmers were the greatest brutes in nature. To hear such a man held up as an object of admiration was shocking; and therefore it was that he had made the observations which had fallen from him.

the refusal of the magistrates to sanction! it on the requisition being first proposed. After the language which had been held at some of the meetings he did not wonder at there being a reluctance on the part of the magistrates to comply with the requisition. He felt it incumbent on him to explain more particularly the situation in which the county had stood. They had unfortunately had two men executed in it, who, at the moment of their leaving the world, had declared, that the outrages which they had committed had no object but to frighten the farmers into increasing the allowances of those in their employ. The House might recollect that at the meeting in Surrey, lord King had held forth at some length on the merits of Mr. Cobbett. That speech had been printed in handbills, and circulated in Norfolk. Norfolk was held to be the best place to circulate this paper, because it was known that great distress prevailed there. Now, when a peer of the realm thought proper to bestow unqualified praise on a man, who, it was known, had no regard for the rights to property, he could not but think such conduct dangerous. In his opinion, it was most improper-most unkind to the country, and most unworthy of the situation which that noble lord held in society. He had been taunted with having voted last year, first against reducing the army by 10,000 men, and then against taking 5,000 from its numbers. Now, he looked back on the votes which he had given on those occasions with much satisfaction, and regretted the reduction which had taken place. If the effect of this reduction were properly explained to the public-if it were seen by them, that men who had been twenty years in the service of their country, were sent out again to rot in places where they ought not to have been called upon to serve any more, he thought the public would be inclined to say, a fig for such retrenchment." When gentlemen were so fond of taunting others with inconsistencies, he must remind them of their own. After calling for the reduction of the army, when the first question of the present session was brought forward relating to Ireland, the first words uttered were, "Why not proclaim martial law?" To him there appeared no small inconsistency in declaring against a standing army, and then, on the first appearance of disturbances, of calling for martial law.

VOL. VII.

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Ordered to lie on the table.

SCARCITY OF PROVISIONS IN IRELAND.] Sir E. O'Brien said, that before the House proceeded to the important business of the day, he wished to point out to the gentlemen around him, the very dreadful and calamitous situation to which a great portion of his countrymen were reduced. There were at that moment thousands of persons in Ireland, who, in consequence of the failure of the late potatoe crop, were reduced to a single meal a day, and that meal generally consisted of oatmeal and water. It was well known that, generally speaking, the whole population of the South of Ireland lived, during a great portion of the year, upon potatoes; but, during the last year, the incessant rains which prevailed, had totally decayed and destroyed that vegetable in the ground.

At the late assizes in his county, the distressed state of the people was taken into consideration, and a representation of that distress was made to the

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