pronounced them incapable, as the several ques- PARLIAMENT PROROGUEd. THE prorogation of parliament took place the day after the final decision on the Middlesex election. In the speech from the throne, the proceedings of both houses through the whole course of the session were highly approved, but more especially their attention to the great objects, which, at its opening had been recommended to their immediate consideration: just acknowledgments were also made of their readiness as well in granting the supplies for the service of the current year, as in enabling his majesty to discharge the debt incurred on account of the civil government: he exhorted them with peculiar earnestness to use their utmost efforts in their several counties for the maintenance of peace and good order at home; and, with regard to the state of affairs abroad, he trusted that the calamities of war would not extend to any other part of Europe, however unsuccessful his attempts had proved for preventing the unfortunate rupture between Russia and the Porte. ex Some very unpleasant advices having been received from the East Indies; in the first moments of alarm, the company's stock fell sixty per cent. The immediate cause of so great a shock to their credit was the continuance of an expensive and disastrous war, which the rapacity and ambition of their servants in India had prompted them to engage in about the middle of the year 1767, and which was now said to threaten the ruin of their trade, and the loss of their principal settlements. The danger was, indeed, greatly exaggerated in these representations; but it plainly appeared from facts, that the company had been wantonly plunged into a contest with the most formidable enemy they had ever encountered in that part of the world. This was the famous Hyder Ally, who by daring treachery, and one of those amazing revolutions so frequent in India, had risen from a common seapoy to the sovereignty of an tensive country on the coast of Malabar. Though his ambition increased with his power and success, yet it was always under the restraints of the soundest policy; and while he neglected no means of securing his empire and improving the discipline of his armies, he cautiously avoided giving any offence to the company, which could provoke or justify a war. On the contrary, it is asserted, that their ships were permitted to trade in his ports without molestation, and their servants had a free intercourse with his dominions, till the very moment of the rupture. He was not, however, unprepared for such an event. In addition to his own resources, he had the address to gain over to his side the nizam of the Decan, a potentate of high rank in India, and whose territories bordered upon those of the company. But notwithstanding the number of their united forces, and the extraordinary effects of the discipline introduced by Hyder, they were defeated with great loss by colouel Smith near Trincomallee, on the twenty-sixth of September 1767; after which the nizam made a separate peace with the English, yielding up to them a considerable territory, called the Balagat Carnatic. Hyder, though deserted by his late ally, and though in the month of February following he received another very severe blow in the loss of his whole navy at Mangalore, was far from betraying any symptoms of dejection or dismay; but transferred the war to a mountainous part of the country, where his enemies were prevented from doing any thing decisive, and where he could avail himself of all the advantages, which the celerity of his own army, composed chiefly of horse, gave him in such circumstances. At length by a series of rapid movements, in which the company's troops were greatly harass. ed, and their supplies often intercepted, he wheeled round them, and rushed with desolating fury into the Carnatic. This manœuvre had all the effect he could wish. They were immediately obliged to 73 evacuate his territories, and to retire in haste to the defence of their own and of their allies. Thus strong posts which they had taken; and, instead of he recovered, without fighting, some forts and a fugitive retreating before his enemies, and unable to defend his own dominions, he came as a vindictive and haughty victor to pour destruction into theirs. His cavalry, being now let loose into its proper sphere, spread far and wide its destructive ravages; while Hyder, with his usual sagacity, avoided a general engagement, and contented himself with attacking detached parties of the English army, cutting off their convoys, and wearying them out by their own fruitless endeavours to bring him pect of plunder, joined him in great numbers: to action. Other adventurers, allured by the pros entering into alliances with him; and nothing less some of the Maratta princes were on the point of object of such powerful confederacies. It was at than the expulsion of the English seemed to be the 1768, that the accounts were brought away from this stage of the war, towards the close of the year among the company at home. Even those, who India, which occasioned so much consternation make any impression on the English settlements, knew that Hyder Ally's whole force was unable to were justly apprehensive of his incursions into the destoyed the company's principal resources for caropen provinces, which he laid waste, and thereby rying on the war. Their trade, their revenue might be materially injured, though the enemy's success was not such as to endanger their security. The progress and final issue of the war exactly corresponded with these ideas. Hyder's devastations in the Carnatic were attended with very distressing effects. The Nabob of Arcot, a staunch friend and The income of the establishment at Madrass being faithful ally of the company, was nearly ruined. inadequate to its present exigencies, large remittances from Bengal became necessary; and as theso were unavoidably made in a base kind of gold coin, the loss in the difference of exchange only was said to amount to forty thousand pounds. A stop was also put to the usual investments from Madrass to China, no silver being now stirring in the country, and the manufactures at a stand from the fear of the enemy. of all was the ever watchful sagacity with which Hyder baffled every effort of the company's forces either to check his career, or to bring him to close action. The first defeat, which he had sustained tremely cautious: and though he was tempted in Ocfrom colonel Smith in the year 1767, made him exsix battalions of seapoys, to attack a detachment of tober 1768, at the head of fourteen thousand horse and four hundred and sixty Europeans, and two thouWood, the necessity of retreating, after an obstisand three hundred seapoys, commanded by colonel nate contest of six hours, afforded him another mortifying proof of the superiority of his adversaries, which no numbers, discipline, or exertions on his hered to his predatory plan, and as he had totally part were able to counterbalance. He therefore adby the Indian princes, and taken care to prevent his laid aside the heavy, unweildy cannon before used troops from being encumbered with baggage, nothing could equal the celerity of his motions. In lish army in the Carnatic, he suddenly appeared in the month of March 1769, having evaded the Engforce at the gates of Madrass. The presidency now proposing a truce of fifty days for that purpose; but thought proper to enter into a negotiation for peace, Hyder would grant a cessation of arms for seven days only, in which time articles of accommodation were signed, [April 3d] and the conquests on both ledge of this event in England, the proprietors of sides reciprocally restored. Previous to the knowsion, and struck with the necessity of taking strong East India stock, alarmed at its continual depresmeasures for the correction of abuses and mismanagement abroad, had determined to send out a com. to examine into and rectify the concerns of every demittee of supervision to Bengal, with full authority partment, and vested with an absolute power of control over all the servants of the company in India. nominated supervisors and sailed from England, in Mr. Vansittart, Mr. Scrafton, and colonel Ford, were the Aurora frigate, the latter end of September; but by some unknown and fatal mischance, this ship never arrived at the place of her destination. The very great embarrassments in which the company were afterwards involved, and the steps taken by But the most provoking circumstance L 74 government for their relief and future regulation will be described in the next chapter. AMERICAN AFFAIRS. THE accounts brought over from America in the course of the year, though not so immediately alarming as those from the East Indies, afforded but little prospect of future tranquillity in that quarter. As soon as the joint address of both houses of parliament on the subject of the disorders at Boston was published in the colonies, the assembly of Virginia came to several resolutions, asserting in very plain terms, the sole right of taxing themselves, the privilege of petitioning the sovereign for redress of grievances, the lawfulness of engaging other provinces to concur in such applications to the throne, and the injustice of having accused persons sent to be tried beyond the seas, which, they said, was highly derogatory to the rights of British subjects. They ordered their speaker to transmit copies of these resolutions to the different assemblies throughout the continent, and to request their concurrence. Next day, May the seventeenth, on being dissolved by the governor, lord Bottetourt, who could not connive at such proceedings, they voted themselves into a convention, and then signed an act of association against importing not only the taxed commodities, but wines and several other articles. The province of Maryland followed the example, in respect to the non-importation agreement; and the North Carolina assembly adopting, by an express vote, all the other resolutions, were dissolved by governor Tryon. The very first step taken by the general court of Massachuset's Bay, when called together in the summer according to their charter, was to present an address to governor Bernard for the removal of the naval and military force stationed in the town and harbour of Boston. He told them, he had no such authority; and as they refused to proceed to business, while surrounded with an armed force, he adjourned the court to the town of Cambridge; soon after which they passed resolutions similar to those of Virginia, and a vote "that the sending an armed force into the colony, under the pretence of assisting the civil power, was highly dangerous to the people, unprecedented, and unconstitutional." Being called upon by the governor to declare, whether they would or would not make provision for the troops agreeably to the injunctions of the act of parliament, they answered, that it was inconsistent with their honour, their interest, and their duty, to provide funds for any such purpose. Upon this the governor prorogued them to the tenth of January following, in order to give time for the abatement of their violence, and for the operation of lord Hillsborough's letter on the intended repeal of some obnoxious taxes. The motives, by which the ministry were influenced in resolving upon such a measure, have been already explained; and as they wished to be enabled to speak with some confidence of its probable effects, before they submitted it to the consideration of the legislature, the parliament which was to have met in November, was farther prorogued to January. CHANGES IN THE CABINET. 1770. Ar the opening of the session on the ninth of January, the opposition availed themselves of the opportunity afforded by the usual motion for an address, to introduce their favourite subject; and proposed an amendment," to assure his majesty that they would immediately inquire into the causes of the discontents that prevailed in every part of his dominions." This produced long debates which were carried on with great acrimony, but with no other effect than that of discovering a few remarkable desertions from the ministry in both houses. The marquis of Granby, commander in chief of the forces, voted for the amendment in the commons, and recanted his former opinions in favour of colonel Luttrell, which, he said, arose from his not having duly considered the nice distinction between expulsion and incapacitation. The ministry felt the loss of lord Camden much more severely. He joined his friend the earl of Chatham, who moved the amendment in the house of lords, where, however, it was negatived by a great majority. Charles Yorke, attorney general, son of the late lord chancellor Hardwicke, a man of the highest professional ability, accepted the great seal at his majesty's request; and a patent was immediately ordered for his elevation to the peerage, by the title of lord Morden. But in consequence of his death, which suddenly hap pened three days after, the seal was put into com mission till the beginning of the next year, when it was given to judge Bathurst, lord Mansfield, in the mean time, officiating as speaker of the lords. A vacancy of the latter kind having been occasioned in the commons, at the very same juncture, by Sir John Cust's illness, which soon terminated in his death, two candidates were put in nomination, Sir Fletcher Norton by lord North, and the right honourable Thomas Townshend by lord John Caver. dish. In this trial of parliamentary strength, the minister's friend was chosen by a majority of 237 to 121. Before the end of the month the duke of Grafton resigned, but not in disgust. On the contrary, he declared that he would still continue to support the measures of administration; and he kept his word. Lord North took his place at the head of the treasury, without relinquishing his former office of chancellor of the exchequer. These changes were followed by some others. The earl of Bristol choosing the tranquil post of first lord of the bedchamber, vacated by the earl of Huntingdon, the privy seal was delivered to the earl of Halifax: Mr. Dunning, the solicitor general, resigned that employment to Mr. Thurlow, a barrister then rising into consequence; and one of the vacant seats at the admiralty board was filled by Charles Fox, who had just begun to attract public notice by an early display of his astonishing talents. EFFORTS OF THE OPPOSITION. THE failure of the proposed amendment did not discourage the leaders of opposition from renewing again and again their loud complaints of national grievances, and particularly of the invaded freedom of election. The various motions on this head, which they made in both houses, however diversified in form, were substantially the same; and as parlament had frequently considered and rejected such motions, it was plain that the giving them a new shape must have been with a view of harassing ministry, and of not only keeping alive the spirit, but aggravating the fury of discontent among the people. In one of the debates, lord Chatham, after affirming that the constitution was violated, expressed a wish, if the breach was not repaired, "that discord might prevail for ever." He even went so far as to justify resistance in express terms, and said, "that old as he was, he hoped he should see the question brought to issue, and fairly tried between the people and the government." It was not long before he was gratified by some advances of that kind on the part of the corporation of London. CITY OF LONDON'S REMONSTRANCE TO THE KING. On the fourteenth of March, Mr. Beckford, then a second time lord mayor, attended by the sheriffs, a few of the aldermen, and a great body of the common council, with a prodigious mob, went to St. James's, and there presented to the king what was called "the humble address, remonstrance, and pe tion of the city of London," though written in a strain of the most daring and unparalleled insolence. It stated, that the complaints made in a former pr. tition remained unanswered, and that the injuries were confirmed: that the only judge removeable at the pleasure of the crown had been dismissed from his high office for defending in parliament the laws and the constitution: that under the same se cret and malign influence, which through each successive administration had defeated every good, and suggested every bad intention, the majority of the house of commons had deprived the people of their dearest rights: that the decision on the Middlesex election was a deed more ruinous in its consequences than the levying of ship-money by Charles the first, or the dispensing power by James the se cond,-a deed that must vitiate all the future proceedings of the parliament, as the acts of the legis lature could no more be valid without a legal house of commons, than without a legal prince on the throne: that representatives of the people were es sential to the making of laws: that the present house of commons did not represent the people; and that its sitting was continued for no other reason but because it was corruptly subservient to the designs of his majesty's ministers. The "humble" pe titioners concluded with reminding his majesty of his coronation-oath, and with assuring themselves that he would dissolve the parliament, and remove those evil ministers for ever from his council. His majesty replied with great temper and dignity: "I shall always be ready to receive the requests, and to listen to the complaints of my subjects: but it gives me great concern to find that any of them should have been so far misled, as to offer me an address and remonstrance, the contents of which I cannot but consider as disrespectful to me, injuri ous to my parliament, and irreconcileable to the principles of the constitution. I have ever made the law of the land the rule of my conduct, esteeming it my chief glory to reign over a free people. With this view I have always been careful, as well to execute faithfully the trust reposed in me, as to avoid even the appearance of invading any of those powers which the constitution has placed in other hands. It is only by persevering in such a conduct, that I can either discharge my own duty, or secure to my subjects the free enjoyment of those rights which my family were called to defend: and while I act upon these principles, I shall have a right to expect, and I am confident I shall continue to receive, the steady and affectionate support of my people." A motion was made in the house of commons, on the following day, for a copy of the remonstrance, as well as of his majesty's answer. This motion was carried by a majority of almost three to one, after a warm debate, in which the lord mayor, alderman Trecothick one of the city members, and both the sheriffs Townshend and Sawbridge, insultingly gloried in the part they had taken in that transaction. The papers having been afterwards laid before the house, and the journals and other records examined, fresh debates arose on a motion for an address to his majesty, and another for the concurrence of the lords, to testify the extreme concern and indignation which both houses felt at the language of the remonstrance, so little corresponding with the grateful and affectionate respect justly duc to his majesty from all his subjects, and at the same time aspersing and calumniating one of the branches of the legislature, and expressly denying the legality of the present parliament, and the validity of its proceedings. The value and importance of the right of British subjects to petition were enlarged upon with rapture; but it was afflicting to see the exercise of that right so grossly perverted, by being applied to the purpose not of preserving, but of overturning the constitution, and of propagating doctrines, which, if generally adopted, must be fatal to the peace of the kingdom, and tended to the subversion of all lawful authority. The opposition to this address was equally outrageous and impotent: the loyalty and good sense of a considerable majority of both houses prevailed: the king received their grateful acknowledgment of his tender regard for the rights of his subjects with great satisfaction. GRENVILLE'S BILL FOR DETERMINING DISPUTED ELECTIONS. In the midst of this season of heat and discussion, which in a greater or less degree was extended to every corner of the kingdom, George Grenville brought in his famous bill for regulating the proceedings of the house of commons on controverted elections. He stated with his usual candour the abuses which had crept in, and the nature of the plan he proposed for their correction. Formerly, he observed, the trials of contested elections had been always by a select committee, chiefly composed of the most learned and experienced of the house; and whilst that custom continued, the litigant parties and the nation at large were generally well satisfied with the decisions. But, by degrees, the committees of elections having been enlarged, and all who came having voices, a shameful partiality prevailed: so that by way of remedy, while Mr. Onslow was speaker, the admirable order, with which he conducted himself, made such as wished for a fair trial of their cause, desire it might be heard at the bar of the house. This method, however, was found to be very defective and inconvenient. The number of the judges, which exceeded that of any other judicature in the world, and their being under no tie of oaths or honour to prevent any secret bias from operating on their minds, left full scope for the influence of friendship, importunity, and party connection. Custom and example gave a sort of sanction to injustice; and where so many were concerned, they not only kept one another in coun tenance, but every individual thought his share in the general guilt or reproach of partiality too inconsiderable to give him the least uneasiness. The trying of such questions at the bar was also an insuperable obstruction to all other public business; and especially in the first session of a new parlia ment, they took up so much time, that it was almost a matter of surprise how the house could attend to any thing else. Grenville's bill for remedying these evils was exactly founded on the constitutional idea of trials by jury. He proposed that when a petition complaining of an undue election was presented, and a day appointed for hearing its merits, against which the parties were to have their witnesses ready, the house on that day should be counted; and if one hundred members were not present, no other business should be gone into until that number assembled, at which time the names of the members in the house were to be put into six urns, from each of which the clerk should alternately draw a name, to the number of forty-nine: the sitting members and petitioners might also nominate one each. Lists of the forty-nine were then to be given to the sitting member, the petitioners, their counsel, or agents, who, with the clerk, were to withdraw, and to strike off one alternately, beginning on the part of the petitioners, till the num ber was reduced to thirteen. These, with the two nominees, were to be sworn a select committee, im powered to send for persons, papers, and records; to examine witnesses; and finally to determine the matter in dispute. Such were the principal outlines of this excellent bill, which, though opposed by some of the ministry, was carried through both houses with irresistible vigour, and received the royal assent on the twelfth of April. At first the bill was made temporary, that in case the experiment did not succeed, it might expire of itself. But its good effects, when reduced to practice, became so evident, that in four years after, an act was passed for rendering it perpetual. Some improvements have since been made in several of its clauses, but the principle is unalterably good; and it remains a lasting monument of the sound sense, integrity, and patriotism of its author. As his parliamentary exertions ended with his life soon after the passing of this bill, it may be properly called his last legacy to the British nation. DEBATES RELATIVE TO AMERICA. VERY few of the persons who were joined with Grenville in opposition to the ministry at that time, seemed desirous, like him, of sacrificing party considerations to public duty. Their efforts, during the whole session, had no other tendency than to create confusion, to embarrass government, and so fully to occupy the time and attention of both houses in useless and violent discussions, as to leave very little opportunity for introducing matters of the greatest moment. Even the affairs of the colonies, however pressing and important, were unavoidably postponed from the same cause, the constant succession of debates on the most inflammatory and incongruous propositions. It was not till the beginning of March, when any longer delay would have been extremely injurious to the usual spring exportations for the American market, that lord North moved the repeal of the obnoxious port duties of 1767, excepting the duty of three-pence per pound on tea, with the continuance of which he thought the Americans could not be justly dissatisfied, as when that was laid on, another was taken off by a drawback of twenty-five per cent. from the English duties allowed to the exporter. But his lordship's most plausible argument for retaining any part of an act, which he admitted to be inconsistent with the true spirit of commercial policy, was, that a total repeal would be ascribed by the colonists, not to the goodness, but to the fears of government; and would encourage them to make fresh demands,-to rise in their turbulence, instead of returning to their duty," and that a total repeal could not be thought of till America was prostrate at our feet." Governor Pownall's speech in reply, in which he endeavoured to demonstrate the inef ficacy of a partial repeal, and to enforce the necessity of extending it to the whole act, made such impression on the house, that an amendment conformable to this idea was negatived by a majority of only sixty-two in a division of three hundred and forty-six members. About a month after, alderman Trecothick gave the object of the amendment a new form, by moving for leave to bring in a bill to repeal the American duty on tea. But the question to go into the other orders of the day was carried by the ministry, on this ground, that the motion exactly aimed at doing in a bill what had before been attempted in an amendment; and that it was contradictory to a well-known rule of the house, to bring on again, in the same sessions, any thing which had already received a formal negative. RIOT AT BOSTON. BUT the anti-ministerialists soon found means to renew with much greater asperity the debates on the subject of America, in consequence of some advices of a riot which had taken place at Boston in the beginning of March. It has been already in timated, that the arrival in that town of some troops, towards the latter end of the year 1768, put a stop to the disorders which then prevailed there, and es tablished what might be called a sullen and treacherous repose, rather than a perfect tranquillity. The malecontents were for some time awed by superior force; but this force being afterwards diminished by the departure of two of the regiments for Halifax, the spirit of turbulence and faction broke ont upon several occasions. It was not, however, till the beginning of the year 1770, that any serious quarrel took place between the military and the inhabitants of Boston. tions reached England, alderman Trecothick moved for copies of all narratives of any disputes or disturbances between the troops stationed in North America and the inhabitants of the colonies, to be laid before the house, with copies also of the instructions sent out by administration relative to such disturbances. These papers, with a reserve of names and other particulars of material secrecy, being obtained, and read on the ninth of May, Burke took occasion thence to draw, or rather to smear over with the blackest colours of personal and political enmity, a frightful picture of the conduct of his majesty's ministers since the repeal of the stamp act. He concluded a very long and violent declamation with proposing several resolutions of censure on the late measures of government with regard to the colonies. But the first of his resolutions was negatived by a majority of one hundred and ninety-seven to seventy-nine; and the rest were consigned to the like fate, without any division. A debate on the same subject in the house of lords had nearly a similar issue, the question for adjournment being carried by sixty against twentysix. Next day, May nineteenth, the business of the supplies and some other matters of immediate exigency being satisfactorily settled, the parliament was prorogued with the usual compliments from the throne, and with particular thanks to the commons for having judiciously provided for discharging a considerable part of the national debt, without laying any farther burden on his majesty's CHAPTER XI. 77 Another Remonstrance from the City of London; with the King's Answer, and Beckford's Reply-View of Wilkes's political Career-Dispute with Spain relative to Falkland Islands-Proceedings of the Commons against Printers; and Commitment of the Lord Mayor, and of Alderman Oliver to the Tower -Bill for disfranchising the Members of the Christian Club at New Shoreham-More Remonstrances to the Throne from the City of London-Unsuccessful Attempts to enlarge religious Liberty-Act for restraining the future Marriages of the royal Family-Carolina Matilda falls a Victim to the Intrigues of the Queen Dowager of Denmark-Changes in the British Ministry-Committee of Secrecy-The Embarrassments of the East India Company-Charges brought against Lord Clive; his Acquittal; and Suicide-Bill for Management of the East India Company's Affairs-Summary of other Proceedings of the Sessions-Expedition against the Caribbs in St. Vincent-Alarming Events in America-Measures adopted by Parliament for maintaining the Authority of Great Britain over the Colonies-Proceedings of the general congress at Philadelphia-The Sense of the Nation taken, by dissolving the Parliament at this Juncture-Dr. Franklin's conciliatory plan-Petition of the City of London-State of Affairs in America-Battle of Lexington-Battle of Bunker's Hill-Meeting and proceedings of CongressGeneral Washington appointed commander in chief-His character-Expedition to Canada-Forts taken-Quebec besieged-General Montgomery defeated and killed. CITY OF LONDON'S SECOND REMON- A ing given for his future good behaviour. The com FORD'S REPLY TO THE KING. mittee of "the supporters of the bill of rights," as they called themselves, who had received subscripFTER having weathered so severe and stormy dom, and even from America (1), compromised all tions for his relief from different parts of the kinga season with unremitted exertions, it was na tural for the ministry to expect some little interval of sand pounds, besides supplying him with a thousand calmness and repose. his debts which amounted to very near twenty thouselves with these fond hopes, they were very much of five hundred pounds each, and defraying the exBut if they amused them. pounds for his maintenance, paying off his two fines disappointed. In four days after the rising of par-penses of his three last elections for Middlesex liament, the throne was assailed with another remonstrance from the city of London, still more reprehensible than the former, converting an humble request into an imperious dictate, and urging the dissolution of parliament and the removal of his majesty's ministers as the only means of reparation that were left for the injured electors of Great Britain. As it also contained some very disrespectful strictures on the king's answer to the late address, his majesty was again reduced to the painful necessity of declaring, that he should have been wanting to the public, as well as to himself, if he had not expressed his dissatisfaction at such an address; and that he should ill deserve to be considered as the father of his people, if he could sutier himself to be prevailed upon to make any use of his prerogative, which he thought inconsistent with the interest, and dangerous to the constitution of the kingdom. Beckford, who presented the remonstrance, and who might easily foresee the manner in which it would be received, begged leave to an swer the king. The request, though unprecedented, was complied with, as it could not be imagined that the lord mayor would abuse such an instance of the gracious condescension of his sovereign. But the opportunity was too flattering to Beckford's democratic pride: he repeated the heads of the remonstrance, beginning, as that did, in a strain of affected humility, and concluding with this bold assertion," that whoever had already dared, or should hereafter endeavour, by false insinuations and suggestions, to alienate his majesty's affections from his loyal subjects in general, and from the city of London in particular, was an enemy to his majesty's person and family, a violator of the public peace,, and a betrayer of our happy constitution, as it was established at the glorious and necessary revolution." The dignity of the throne was well sustained by a total disregard of such presumptuous lan. guage. WILKES DISCHARGED FROM PRISON. A LITTLE before this event, Wilkes was discharged from the king's bench prison, the term of his confinement having expired, and securities be pounds. But these were not the only fruits which DISPUTES WITH SPAIN RESPECTING THE Ar this time the attention both of the public and |