tection, and how constantly it had been afforded them by the mother country: but when she called upon them to contribute a small share towards the public expense, an expense arising from themselves, they renounced her authority, insulted her officers, and broke out into open rebellion. The cause was very obvious. "The seditious spirit of the colonies," said he, " owes its birth to the factions in this house. Gentlemen are careless of the consequences of what they say, provided it answers the purposes of opposition. We were told we trod on tender ground: we were bid to expect disobedience. What was this but telling the Americans to stand out against the law-to encourage their obstinacy with the expectation of support from hence? Let us only hold out a little, they would say, our friends will soon be in power." He concluded with some observations on the ingratitude of the Americans, after so much had been done in their favour; and with a short vindication of his own character from the unjust charge of having been an enemy to their trade. The impression, which such a speech must have made on every unprejudiced mind, could not be effaced by all the powers of Pitt's oratory. He made a second harangue of considerable length to justify the resistance of the Americans, and to apologise for the silence of his own party, when the question of right had been repeatedly submitted to the consideration of the house.

While the attention of the commons was very earnestly engaged in examining the papers relative to the American troubles, which were laid before the house by his majesty's order, petitions were received from most of the commercial and manufacturing towns in the kingdom, setting forth the great decay of their trade in consequence of the new laws and regulations made for America; and earnestly soliciting the immediate interposition of parliament. There were also petitions received from the agents for Virginia and Georgia, represent ing their inability to pay the stamp-duty; and one from the agent for the island of Jamaica, explaining the bad effects of a similar tax which had been laid on in that island by the assembly, but was soon suffered to expire, on being found unequal and burdensome; and suggesting the probability, that the like experiment in the colonies would be attended with still greater inconveniences.

of the supreme legislature in the one, and to deny it in the other, must be the effect of wilful perverseness and flagrant inconsistency."

In summing up these different arguments, their collective force was irresistibly felt. The most satisfactory demonstrations seemed to have been given, that protection was the only true ground on which the right of taxation could be founded: that the obligation between the colonies and the mother country, was natural and reciprocal, consisting of defence on the one side, and obedience on the other: that they must be dependent in all points on the parent state, or else not belong to it at all: that the distinction between internal and external taxes was not more repugnant to common sense, than to facts, and to the frequent and anopposed exercise of the parliamentary authority of Great Britain in the one case, as well as in the other: and that the far greater part of the people of England, who were non electors, might with as much reason object to taxes, on the ground of being only virtually represented, as the inhabitants of the colonies. Upon the question being put, the power of the legislature of Great Britain over her colonies, in all cases whatsoever, and without any distinction in regard to taxation, was confirmed and ascertained, without a division in either house.

The grand committee, who bad passed the resolutions on which the foregoing question was debated, had also passed another for the total repeal of the stamp-act; and two bills were accordingly brought in to answer these purposes. By the resolutions, on which the former was founded, it was declared that tumults and insurrections of the most dangerous nature had been raised and carried on in several of the colonies, in open defiance of government, and in manifest violation of the laws and legislative anthority of the mother country; and that these tumults and insurrections had been encouraged and inflamed by several votes and resolutions, which had been passed in the assemblies of the said colonies, derogatory to the honour of govern ment, and destructive to their legal and constitu tional dependency on the crown and parliament of Great Britain. By the bill itself, all these votes, resolutions and orders of the American assemblies were annulled and reprobated; and the ministry having thereby secured, as they imagined, the dependence of the colonies, and provided for the honThough the urgency of the matter occasioned the our and dignity of Great Britain, and its constituhouse to attend to it with unwearied application, tional superiority over them, contended for the exand till a very late hour every night; yet the nature pediency of repealing an act, which they said was of the inquiries, the number of petitions received, injudicious, oppressive, and incapable of being enand the multitude of papers and witnesses to be ex- forced but by fire and sword. The late ministry amined, were attended with long and unavoidable de- and their friends, who supported the new adminis lays. In the mean time there were continued de- tration in the debate on the question of right, op bates; and all the partisans of the late administra-posed the repeal with considerable strength both tion made the most strenuous efforts for enforcing the stamp-act, and for preventing the repeal. Those who contended for the repeal, were divided in opinion as to the right of taxation: the more numerous body, of whom were the new ministry, insisted that the legislature of Great Britain had an undoubted right to tax the colonies; but relied on the inexpediency of the tax in question, as ill adapted to the condition of the colonies, and built upon principles ruinous to the trade of Great Britain: those, who denied the right of taxation, were not so numerous; but they consisted of some very popular characters.

The advocates for the right of taxation took occasion to show how futile Pitt's distinction was between internal and external taxes. "Such a distinction," said they, "is as false and groundless as any other that has been made. It is granted that restrictions upon trade, and duties upon the ports are legal, at the same time that the right of the parliament of Great Britain to lay internal taxes upon the colonies is denied. What real difference can there be in this pretended distinction? A tax laid in any place is like a pebble dropt into a lake, and making circle after circle, till the whole surface from the centre to the circumference is agitated: for nothing can be more evident than that a tax laid upon tobacco either in the ports of England or Virginia, is as much a duty laid on the inland plantations of the latter, as if it were collected a hundred miles up the country, on the spot where the tobacco grows. The truth is illustrated by this Case. The postage was an internal tax on paper folded like letters, the stamp-act on paper unfolded. Wherein lay the difference? To allow the authority

of argument and numbers. But in spite of all their efforts, it passed upon a division by a majority of 275 to 167, and was carried up to the lords by above two hundred members of the house of commons. The eclat, however, with which it was introduced into the upper house, did not prevent its meeting with a strong opposition there also. Thirty three lords entered a protest against it at the second reading; as twenty eight did at the third. The following is the substance of the chief reasons they assigned for their dissent, and which are the more memorable as they contain some political predic tions, that have since been too fully verified by

events:

"Because we are of opinion, that the total repealing of the stamp-act, while such an outrageous resistence is continued by the colonies, will make the authority of Great Britain contemptible hereafter; and that such a submission of the supreme legisla ture, under such circumstances, would be in effect a surrender of their ancient unalienable rights to subordinate provincial assemblies, established only by prerogative, which in itself had no such powers to bestow.

"Because it appears to us, that a most essential branch of that authority, the power of taxation, cannot be equitably or impartially exercised, if it does not extend itself to all the members of the state, in proportion to their respective abilities, but suffers a part to be exempt from a due share of those burdens which the public exigencies require to be imposed upon the whole: a partiality, directly repugnant to the trust reposed by the people in every legislature, and destructive of that confidence on which all government is founded.

"Because the ability of our North American colonies to bear, without inconvenience, the proportion laid on them by the stamp-act, appears unquestionable. Its estimated produce of sixty thousand pounds per annum, if divided amongst twelve hundred thousand people, being little more than one half the subjects of the crown in North America, would be only one shilling per head a year. "Because not only the right, but the expediency and necessity of the supreme legislature's exerting its authority to lay a general tax on the colonies, whenever the wants of the public make it fitting and reasonable that all the provinces should contribute in a proper proportion to the defence of the whole, appear undeniable. Such a general tax could not be regularly imposed by their own separate provincial assemblies.

penalties, in consequence of the stamp-act, and requiring compensation to be made by the American assemblies to such persons as had suffered in their property by the late riots. In this detail of the merits of the marquis of Rockingham's administration, it must not be forgotten that he removed some restraints which were considered as heavy clogs on the colonial trade; that he settled to the satisfaction of the owners the long contested affair of the Canada bills; and that he concluded with Russia a commercial treaty, which procured him the unanimous thanks of the Russia company.

CHANGES IN THE CABINET.

BUT all these smaller claims to esteem could not supply the want of experience, decision, and firmness in the more important concerns of the state. "Because the reasons assigned in the public resoThe duke of Grafton, one of the secretaries, feeling Intions of the provincial assemblies, in the North the instability of his colleagues, or unwilling, as he American colonies, for their disobeying the stamp- pretended, to act without Pitt, resigned in the beact, viz. That they are not represented in the par- ginning of May; and though his place was immeliament of Great Britain,' extends to all other laws diately filled by the duke of Richmond, yet his reof what nature soever, which that parliament has treat at that juncture was generally looked upon as enacted, or shall enact; and may, by the same rea- a strong symptom of the probable dismission of his soning, be extended to all persons in this island, late associates. They did not maintain their ground who do not actually vote for members of parlia- long after parliament was prorogued. Their fall is ment: nor can we help apprehending, that the said to have been accelerated by the following ciropinion of some countenance being given to such cumstance. After the repeal of the stamp-act, which notions by the legislature itself, in consenting to this the marquis and his friends looked upon as the bill for the repeal of the stamp-act, may greatly only method of conciliating the affections of the repromote the contagion of a most dangerous doc-fractory colonies, they took into consideration the trine, destructive to all government, which has state of Canada, for which province no complete spread itself over all our North American colon- system of government had yet been formed. They ies, that the obedience of the subject is not due to conceived it necessary to supply this defect; and the laws and legislature of the realm, farther than having drawn the outlines of a plan, preparatory to he, in his private judgment, shall think it conform- a bill for that purpose, they submitted their sketch able to the ideas he has formed of a free constitu- to lord Northington the chancellor. He had never tion. been very cordially their friend, and was now, perhaps, glad of a favourable opportunity of expressing his dislike. He condemned the whole measure in the most unqualified terms of disapprobation: he even went to the king and complained to his majesty of the unfitness of his ministers, adding that they could not go on, and that Pitt must be sent for. In consequence of these very plain assertions, the chancellor was commissioned to confer with Pitt on the subject of a new arrangement.

"Because we think it no effectual guard against this danger, that the parliament has declared in a bill, that such notions are ill founded; as men will look always more to deeds than words, and may therefore incline to believe that the insurrections in the colonies, excited by those notions, having attained the very point at which they aimed, without any previous submission on their part, the legislature has, in fact, submitted to them, and has only more grievously injured its own dignity and authority by verbally asserting that right which it substantially yields up to their opposition; and this at a time when the strength of our colonies, as well as their desire of a total independence on the legis. lature and government of their mother country, may be greatly augmented; and when the circumstances and dispositions of the other powers of Europe may render the contest far more dangerous and formidable to this kingdom."

In the second protest, many of the same objections were farther enforced, and some new ones added. The dissenting lords looked upon the declaratory bill as a delusive and nugatory affirmance of the legislative right of Great Britain, whilst the enacting part merely annulled proceedings that were absolutely criminal.

STAMP-ACT REPEALED.

On the eighteenth of March, two days after the date of this second protest, the bill for repealing the stamp-act, as well as that which proposed to secure the dependency of the colonies on the British crown, received the royal assent. The ministry were still more successful in other steps which they took to gain popularity. They had a bill passed for the repeal of the cyder-act, and for substituting in its place a new duty entirely different in the mode of collection. General warrants and the seizure of papers, except in cases provided for by act of parliament, were declared to be illegal, and to be a breach of privilege, if executed against any mem. ber; but a bill founded on these resolutions of the commons was thrown out by the lords, as unnecessary and frivolous. The old duties upon houses and windows were abolished; and the rates were settled with much more equity and ease to the lower and middling ranks of the people. Two bills were also passed at the close of the session on the sixth of June, for which the friends of the ministry thought they deserved some praise, at least from the mercantile part of the community: the one was for opening free ports, under certain restrictions, in different parts of the West Indies; and the other was a law indemnifying those who had incurred any

As Pitt's refusal of former offers had solely arisen from their not allowing him to fill all the departments of the state with whom he pleased, that objection was now removed by the chancellor's assuring him, that the king had no terms to propose; and the same assurance was afterwards confirmed to him by the king himself, to whom he was introduced at Richmond, on the twelfth of July. Lord Temple, who was then at Stowe, being sent for by his majesty's order, came to town with all possible despatch, and paid his respects to the king.

On the morning after lord Temple had seen the king, he "received a very affectionate letter from Pitt, then at North End, Hampstead, desiring to see his lordship there, as his health would not permit him to come to town. His lordship went; and Pitt acquainted him, that his majesty had been graciously pleased to send for him, to form an administration; and as he thought his lordship indispensable, he desired his majesty to send for him, and put him at the head of the treasury; and that he himself would take the post of privy seal. Pitt then produced a list of several persons, which he said he had fixed upon to go in with his lordship, and which, he added, was not to be altered. Lord Temple said, that he had had the honour of a conference with his majesty at Richmond the evening before, and that he did not understand, from what passed between them, that Pitt was to be absolute master, and to form every part of the administration: if he had, he should not have given himself the trouble of coming to Pitt upon that subject, being determined to come in upon an equality with Pitt, in case he was to occupy the most responsible place under government: and as Pitt had chosen only a side-place, without any responsibility annexed to it, he should insist upon some of his friends being in the cabinet-offices with him, and in whom he could confide: which he thought Pitt could have no objection to, as he must be sensible he could not come in with honour, unless he had such nomination; nor did he desire, but that Pitt should have his share of the nomination of his friends. And his lordship added, that he made a sacrifice of his brother, George Grenville, who notwithstanding his being entirely out of place, and

NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII.

seal, lately held by the duke
of Newcastle: the duke of
Grafton was placed at the
head of the treasury, in the
room of the marquis of Rock-
ingham; and Charles Towns-
eud succeeded Dowdeswell
as chancellor of the exche-
quer: general Conway was
continued in the office of se-
cretary of state; but had for
his colleage the earl of Shel-
burne, instead of the duke of
Richmond: lord Cambden

CHAPTER IX.

Alarming Scarcity of Provisions-Dispute between the Proprietors and the Directors of the East India Company-Substance of the King's Speech at the Meeting of Parliament-Bill of Indemnity-Reduction of the Land-tax carried against the Minister-The India Company's Right to territorial acquisi tions debated-Proposals of the Company accepted-Bill for regulating India Dividends-Duties laid on certain Imports from Great Britain to America; and measures taken to restrain the turbulent Spirit of the Assembly of New York-Some Changes in the Great Offices of the State-The Ministry strongly opposed on the Nullum Tempus Bill-Corporation of Oxford reprimanded for Venality-Popularity in Ireland of the Octennial Bill.

T

so well understood that very little regard was paid GREAT SCARCITY OF PROVISIONS. to the proclamation; and the frivolous expedient HOUGH the general tranquillity of Europe fell to the ground. The price of corn still increas still remained undisturbed by the spirit of in-ing, another proclamation was issued on the twentrigue, or by the rage of conquest, some of its finest ty-sixth of the same month, laying an embargo on countries were severely afflicted by calamities of the exportation of wheat and flour, and prohibiting another kind. The irregularity and inclemency of the use of that grain in the distilleries. This prothe seasons for a few years past had occasioned an clamation was certainly much better adapted to its uncertainty and great deficiency in the crops of end than the former, but much more doubtful in different districts; and were it not for that happy point of law. Wheat had not yet reached the effect of navigation and commerce, by which the price, under which it might be legally exported. No wants of one nation are supplied from the super- authority, therefore, but that of the whole legislaabundance of another, famine would have thinned ture, could in this case lay a constitutional embargo the race of mankind in many places. Italy in par- on it. By way of excuse for dispensing with a ticular had suffered extremely; and even England, positive law, it was stated in the proclamation, which usually supplied its neighbours with im that his majesty had not an opportunity of taking mense quantities of grain, and allowed a consider the advice of his parliament speedily enough upon able bounty on the exportation of it, was now such an emergency to stop the progress of the threatened with an alarming scarcity. So wet a mischief. But the privy council had destroyed the summer as that of the present year had not been validity of this plea, by proroguing the parliament, remembered in this country. From the month of which was to have met on the sixteenth of SeptemMarch to the month of August, there were not two ber, till the eleventh of November. As they had days of dry weather in succession. The corn har received the fullest information on the subject of a vest, of course, was very much injured; and the probable scarcity, in the beginning of August, distresses of the poor from the high prices of that there was sufficient time to give the members of and of every other article of subsistence became both houses the usual notice, commanding their atuncommonly urgent. The language of complaint tendance in September, and a short session would was soon followed by riots and tumults, which the have prevented every appearance of necessity for populace are too apt to look upon as the only the ministers to commit an illegal action. means of alleviating every evil, or redressing every grievance. At first, they only undertook to lower and regulate the markets, and to punish certain individuals, who, they imagined, had contributed to their calamities by engrossing, and other practices for enhancing the price of provisions beyond their just rate. But they did not long confine themselves to these objects. Heated by mutual commotion, they proceeded to the most enormous excesses: much mischief was done, and many lives were lost in various parts of the kingdom. The magistrates being at length obliged to call in the military to the aid of the civil power, the rioters were dispersed, and the jails were filled with prisoners. Judges were in consequence despatched with a special commission to try the delinquents, several of whom were condemned to die. A few of the ringleaders suffered as examples; but the sentence of the majority was mitigated to transportation, and many received a free pardon.

DEBATES ON EAST INDIA STOCK. SOME other events took place before the meeting of parliament, which, as well as the former, engaged in a greater or less degree the attention of both houses. The most important of these were the debates and resolutions of the proprietors of East India stock. They had long expected, in consequence of the flourishing state of their affairs abroad, that a larger dividend would be declared by the directors; and that all the members of the company should enjoy a share of those sweets which were the consequence of their foreign success, and which they saw hitherto entirely engrossed by their servants. This seemed to them the more reasonable as the dividend then stood at six per cent, the lowest point to which it had ever been reduced at the most critical period of the war. In their opinion, such a small dividend agreed but ill with a great revenue and its promisThe conduct of the new ministry on this occasioned stability, and intended to create an artificial fall was far from being politic or judicious. On the in the price of stock, to the great loss of the present eleventh of September, the privy council issued a possessors, and to the advantage of future advenproclamation for enforcing the laws against fore- turers. These inclinations of the proprietors did stallers, regrators, and engrossers of corn; a not by any means coincide with the sentiments of measure that countenanced the absurd ideas of the directors. While the greatest part of the formthe mob, by declaring that scarcity to be artificial, er considered only the successes of the company, which was but too natural. Besides, the laws in the directors saw nothing but its debts. Two facquestion were so dark in their construction, and so tions arose upon this subject, the one for increasdifficult in the execution, that little effect could be ing the dividend, the other for keeping it at the expected from this step but that of banishing deal- same standard. It was intended by the former, ers from the markets, and increasing the evil that, if the directors did not voluntarily declare an which it was intended to remedy. This truth was increase of dividend at the midsummer court, to

was soon converted into the most painful disap pointment. In little more than five years after, the amiable Carolina Matilda fell a victim to the malice of a party, and to the wicked intrigues of the queen dowager, who imposed upon her unsuspecting innocence, and artfully led her into meas ures which were made the grounds of the most infamous reproach and crimination.

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

BILL OF INDEMNITY.

put it to the question, and have it decided by the majority of the proprietors present. As this intention was publicly known, its success was sufficiently guarded against and prevented. At the opening of the court, a friend of the directors made a motion for increasing the dividend to eight per cent, which being disapproved, he immediately withdrew it, and thereby put it out of the power of the proprietors to bring on the subject again at that meeting, such a procedure being contrary to the estab lished forms of the court. The address that was Ar the meeting of the parliament on the eleventh shown in this transaction did not protect it from of November, the king, in his speech to both houses, censure: the conduct of the directors was scruti- observed that the high price of wheat, and the exnized with great severity: the supposed motives to traordinary demands for it from abroad, had deit were laid open; and the public papers being termined him to call them together so early: he made the instruments of attack and defence, the took notice of the urgent necessity that occasioned contest was for some time carried on with great an exertion of the royal anthority, for the preservaanimosity, each party accusing the other of the tion of the public safety, by laying an embargo on most corrupt designs, and of misrepresenting, for wheat and flour; and he recommended the due private purposes, the real state of the company's consideration of farther expedients to their wisdom: affairs. This course of altercation was productive he expressed his concern at the late daring insurof consequences which were then but little fore-rections; and added, that no vigilance and vigour seen. Every thing relative to the company was on his part should be wanting to bring the offenders now laid before the public: the exact state of their to justice, and to restore obedience to law and govimmense property became known to all persons: ernment. His majesty concluded with a few very their most private secrets were unveiled: their concise remarks on the late commercial treaty with charters, their rights, their possessions, their Russia, on the marriage of his sister to the king of opulence as a distinct body and their utility to the Denmark, on the supplies for the current service, state were become matters of general speculation and on the continuance of the former pacific posand inquiry. As the Michaelmas quarterly meeting ture of affairs in Europe. The usual motion for an approached, at which there could be no doubt but address being made in both houses, various amendthe great object of dispute between the contending ments were proposed, reflecting on the late conduct parties would come again upon the carpet, it was of the privy council; but were rejected. previously reported about by the friends of one of them, that government intended to interfere, and had absolutely forbidden any increase of dividend, THIS, however, did not supersede the necessity denouncing threats against the company which of bringing a bill into parliament to indemnify all struck at its existence. A report of this sort excit-persons who had acted in obedience to the order of ed a variety of conjectures; but most people looked council for laying on the embargo. Nobody denied upon it as a trick to answer the purposes of the direc- the expediency of such a restraint at the time: it tors. All doubt was removed at the opening of the was the mode of the transaction which deserved general court on the twenty-fourth of September. censure, as by it the crown seemed to assume and A message in writing from the first lord of the exercise a power of dispensing with the laws,-one treasury and some other of the ministers was read, of the grievances so expressly provided against at setting forth, "That as the affairs of the East India the revolution. The first form of the bill was found company had been mentioned in parliament last to be defective: it provided for the indemnity of the session, it was very probable they might be taken inferior officers who had acted under the proclamainto consideration again: therefore, from the regard tion, while it passed by the council who advised it; they had for the welfare of the company, and that and it had not a preamble fully expressive of the they might have time to prepare their papers for illegality of the measure. In these respects the that occasion, they informed them, that the parlia. bill was amended, and made perfect. But this ment would meet in November." Letters were at produced much altercation, especially in the house the same time read from lord Clive, and from the of lords, where, to the astonishment of most people secret committee at Bengal, which not only con- the newly created earl of Chatham, and lord Camfirmed, but exceeded the accounts that had been den, the chancellor, opposed the bill, and vindicated formerly received of the great wealth of the com- the late exertion of prerogative, not only from the pany, the extension of its trade, and the firm basis peculiar circumstances that seemed to influence it, on which, as far as human foresight could judge, but as a matter of right, asserting that a dispensing its security was now established. The directors power, in cases of state necessity, was one of the still opposed an increase of dividend; and, upon a prerogatives inherent in the crown. This desertion motion being made for advancing it to ten per cent. from the side of liberty, to principles so directly opfrom the ensuing Christmas, they insisted upon a posite, gave a mortal stab to the popularity of those ballot, by which the decision was evaded for a day occasional patriots. The fallacy of their pretexts, or two, but was at length carried against them by as well as of their reasonings, was exposed, and a considerable majority. Some of the proprietors, the cause of freedom and of the constitution was however, thought their success in this contest was ably supported by lord Mansfield, lord Temple, and purchased at too dear a rate, by having drawn upon lord Lyttleton. The real motives for the late exthemselves the eyes of the ministry. A few months ertion of power were first inquired into; and then more gave them an earnest of what they so justly the doctrine of a dispensing power in such cases apprehended. was very forcibly attacked. "So early as the month of August, you received authentic intelligence of the state of the harvest, the quantity of coru in the kingdom, and of the increase of its price. You then must have had as clear an idea of all the probable consequences as at any time after that period. Why then did you not issue a proclamation for parliament to meet on the sixteenth of September, the day to which it was prorogued? You had it in your power to give the members above thirty days notice; and the calamities which threatened the poor might have been averted, without a breach of the constitution. Instead of this, when their distresses were risen to the highest pitch, you issued, on the tenth of September, a proclamation against fore stalling, which could not give them the smallest relief; and, on the same day, you prorogued the parliament for two months longer, thus precluding the king from availing himself of their advice or assistance in any emergency. Yet you asssign the impossibility of convening the parliament as the motive for issuing, in sixteen days after so extraordinary a prorogation, an illegal and unconstitu

The air of seriousness, which a variety of weighty concerns had lately diffused over the nation, was for a little time enlivened by some pleasing occurrences at court, the birth of a princess royal, and the nuptials of the princess Carolina Matilda. The ceremony of the princess Carolina Matilda's marriage to the king of Denmark was performed on the first of October by the archbishop of Canterbury, the duke of York being proxy for his Danish majesty. Next morning, the young queen, accompanied by the duke of Gloucester and a numerous train of attendants, set out from Carlton-house for Harwich, there to embark on board the yacht designed to convey her to Holland. She did not reach Denmark till the beginning of November, on the eighth of which she made her public entry into Copenhagen, when the nuptial ceremony was renewed with extraordinary splendour and magnificence. The satisfaction expressed at the time by the subjects of both crowns, from an idea that the alliance between them would be greatly strength. ened by an additional tie of so agreeable a nature,