Some warmth of debate ensued upon reading | tions as were necessary for the preservation of the this message; and upon discussing the grant to protestant succession to the crown, and maintainher majesty, to which it had reference, lord Cas- ing inviolate the Protestant churches of England, tlereagh remarked, that undoubtedly the queen Ireland, and Scotland, as by law established.” had a right to abstain from receiving any benefit from the grant. Her majesty, on a former oc- BILL FOR RELIEF OF CATHOLICS PASSED casion, had declared that she would not take any IN THE COMMONS, REJECTED IN THE money except from parliament." She is misinformLORDS. ed," observed his lordship; "she is travelling into those unconstitutional errors she had been before led into. Her law advisers might have informed her that it was from the crown only, and not from parliament, that she could receive any pecuniary grant. With respect to her majesty, parliament could not be disturbed from its course by her interference she might, if she pleased, reject the grant, when it came to her in a proper shape; but the house had nothing to do with her objections now; it was for them to proceed to the order of the day on his majesty's gracious communication." Mr. Brougham, in defending the message, observed-" the noble lord charges upon it a want of respect to this house, and an attempt to dictate to its proceedings. The message appears to me perfectly unobjectionable on this head. The interpretation of its language was, that her majesty understood from the votes of the house, which she was entitled to read, that provision was to be made for her that night; and she says, that under the circumstances in which she has been placed, she cannot barter her honour for money; and, therefore, in respectful language, she warns the house against the grant." PROVISION FOR HER MAJESTY. THE motion of lord Castlereagh was then carried, which secured to her majesty an annual provision of fifty thousand pounds, during the term of her natural life; and this grant parliament eventually voted. DISCUSSION ON THE QUESTION OF CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION. CATHOLIC emancipation was the next subject of import which engrossed the attention of parliament. On the twenty-eighth of February, Mr. Plunkett (who now appeared as chief advocate of the catholic claims, in consequence of Mr. Grattan's death), prefaced this question by a most able and lucid speech, which received the acclamations of all parties in the house, and in concluding moved, That the house do resolve itself into a committee of the whole house, to consider the state of the laws by which oaths or declarations are required to be taken for the enjoyment of offices, or the exercise of civil functions, so far as the same affect his majesty's Roman catholic subjects, and whether it would be expedient in any, or what manner, to alter or modify the same; and subject to what provisions or regulations." This motion was favoured by a majority of two hundred and twenty-seven, whilst the minority was two hundred and twenty-one; consequently it was gained by six votes. On the second of March, the house, in pursuance of the success áttendant on the former motion, resolved itself into a committee, to take into consideration the various claims of the Roman catholics; and on the motion of Mr. Plunkett, certain resolutions were agreed to without discussion-of which the following may be deemed an abstract: "First, that those parts of the oaths required to be taken as qualifications for certain offices, which related to the belief of transubstantiation, the invocation of saints, and the idolatrous nature of the sacrifice of the mass, might be safely repealed, as concerning opinions merely speculative and dogmatical, not affecting the allegiance or civil duty of the subject. Secondly, that that part of the oath of supremacy, which expressed the denial of all spiritual jurisdiction or authority in these realms, might be so explained, as to remove the scruples entertained by the king's Roman catholic subjects with respect to taking it; by declaring that the sense in which the word spiritual is used, according to the injunctions issued by queen Elizabeth in the first year of her reign, and explained by the thirty-seventh article of the church, imports merely, that the kings of this realm should govern all estates and degrees commit ed to their charge by God, whether they be ecclesiastical or temporal, and restrain with the civil sword the stubborn and evil-doer. By another resolution, the committee declared the necessity of accompanying such act and repeal by such exceptions and regula BILLS framed on the basis of the above resolutions were subsequently introduced by Mr. Plunkett; and after many discussions (of which the ut ter impracticability of furnishing even an outline must be regretted), these bills were finally passed, and transmitted to the house of peers. Fortune did not continue to smile so favourably upon the measure in this new arena. Lord Donoughmore undertook the conduct of the first bill in the upper house, where, though he advocated the cause with great zeal, it was doomed to receive strenuous opposition from the earl of Liverpool and the lord chancellor; and in the second day's debate, his royal highness the duke of York, the presumptive heir to the throne, declared himself as decidedly hostile to the bill-considering it as a measure pregnant with danger, not only to the throne, but to the church and constitution. "Educated," said his royal highness," in the principles of the established church, the more I inquire, and the more I think, I am the more persuaded that her interests are inseparable from those of the constitution: I consider her as an integral part of that constitution, and I pray that she may long remain so. At the same time, there is no man less an enemy to toleration than myself, but I distinguish between the allowance of the free exercise of religion, and the granting of political power." This bill, embracing in its enactments so much to occupy the attention of the statesman and the subject in general-on which such conflict of opinion prevails and which, interesting as it does every class of society in the kingdom, can never be duly understood in theory-after it had undergone a discussion, though long yet scarce adequate to its consequence, was thrown out by a majority of thirty-nine; the house dividing on the question of its second reading, contents, one hundred and twenty, non-contents, one hundred and fifty-nine. On this momentous occasion, many of the peers took part in the debate, and twenty-seven bishops voted on the occasion either personally or by proxy-of which number two only, the bishops of Norwich and Rochester, were among the contents. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. DURING this session, the question of parliamentary reform was on two occasions agitated, in pursuance of plans introduced to the house by its most efficient advocates; the first by Mr. Lambton, member for Durham, and the second by lord John Russell. It is only to be observed, that these measures met with rejection. BOROUGH OF GRAMPOUND. AN act of practical reform, however, took place, which ought to be regarded as a convincing proof of the desire of the major part of our representative body to utterly discountenance and remedy the system of corruption, so long a prevailing error in the election of members returned for boroughs. On the twelfth of February lord John Russell, with the pertinacity of doing good, moved that the house resolve itself into a committee on the bill for the disfranchisement of the borough of Grampound, and proposed, in lieu thereof, that the franchise so lost should be transferred to Leeds. This proposition received the assenting voice of the house of commons; but in the house of lords the earl of Liverpool raised objections to the franchise being transferred to Leeds, on account of the extreme difficulty of establishing a due and proper scale of qualification for voters. His lordship subsequently moved as an amendment, that, in place of this pro posed transfer, two additional members should bo returned for the county of York. This amendment was carried; and with this alteration the bill, upon being returned to the commons, passed. DISTRESSFUL STATE OF COUNTRY. A CONTINUATION of depreciated prices still prevailing, considerable distress was felt by all classes of the community; but though most individuals suffered, it bore with more than common pressure on those engaged in pursuits connected with agriculture; and important as it was to both landlord and tenant, to ameliorate their respective conditions, the difficulty was in devising the requisite means; and in the comprehensive wisdom of the legislature, alleviation could alone be hoped for. In the beginning of the session, numerous petitions had been presented from every corner of the kingdom, praying that the house would interpose for the investigation and removal of the embarrassments, which fell so heavily upon agricultural property and agriculturists. In furtherance of these petitions, Mr. Gooch, on the seventh March, moved for "a select committee to which these petitions should be referred, which should investigate the allegations contained in them, and report their observations thereon to the house." The motion being agreed to, a committee was accordingly nominated. THE REPORT OF AGRICULTURAL COM MITTEE. THE report of this committee was presented to the house on the eighteenth June; it stated that the complaints of the petitioners were founded in fact, in so far as they represented, that at the present price of corn, the returns to the occupier of an arable farm, after allowing for the interest of his investments, are by no means adequate to his charges and outgoings; it also acknowledged, "that the committee, after a long and anxious inquiry, had not been able to discover any means calculated immediately to relieve the present pressure." measure met the idea contained in this report, since though commodities were lowered in valuse on the peace, labour still maintained nearly its war price. Again, in agreeing with the committee, that the pressure of the distress was not pecu liarly confined to the farmer, but extended to many, indeed, it might with truth be alleged, to all classes of society; for the variation in the price of corn must necessarily affect all other articles; and agreeing that the general pressure then experienced was occasioned by the increased value of money; yet the doctrine does not appear to be fully substantiated, that such increase in the value of money was the consequence of a restoration of the ancient standard. Viewing this assertion, barely in connection with this document, unsupported by other facts, it might be imagined that some amaz ing change had arisen in the currency of the realm: that it had been deteriorated by authority till now, when by some act of state it had been restored to its original value. Such has not been the case ;-Do order of the council, no edict of the king, no parliamentary act exists, or can be traced, by which the least alteration in the British guinea, or its aliquot parts in gold or silver, has been allowed; their weight and fineness remained immutable, during the adverse periods of penury and prosperi ty. But though so unchanged, in the sterile season of the bank restrictions, coin, from its scarcity, commanded a higher price than its relative value; and when a metallic currency was restored, its intrinsic worth was consequently, by the fruitfulness of the supply, lowered. A cotemporary writer has "So far," the report stated, "as the pressure observed, that "there must then be some other arises from superabundant harvests, it is beyond cause, which lessened the comparative value of mo the application of any legislative provision; so far ney, in regard to commodities, totally distinct from as it is the result of the increased value of money, a diminution of the intrinsic value of the coin; and it is not one peculiar to the farmer, but extends to this cause may be found in the proceedings of Mr. many other classes of society. That result, how- Pitt in the year 1797, when, interfering further ever, is the more severely felt by the tenant, in con- than any among the most absolute of our monarchs sequence of its coincidence with an overstocked had ever dared to do with the coin of the realm; market, especially if he be farming with a borrowed this bold financier, though he did not deteriorate capital, and under the engagements of a lease; its intrinsic worth, or raise its nominal value, as and it has hitherto been further aggravated by the some kings had done, suspended its use altogether. comparative slowness with which prices generally, From the moment, therefore, that the use of gold and particularly the price of labour, accommodate coin was thus, by law, dispensed with, until the pethemselves to a change in the value of money. riod of the resumption of cash payments by the From this last circumstance the departure from bank of England, there was no real standard in our ancient standard, in proportion as it was pre- Great Britain by which the owner of any commodijudicial to all creditors of money, and persons de- ty, or the possessor of lands or houses, could secure pendent upon fixed incomes, was a benefit to the to themselves a certain profit, or a steady income active capital of the country; and the same classes from their property: for such was the monstrous have been oppositely affected by a return to that mischief of Mr. Pitt's suspension act, that, by comstandard. The restoration of it has also embarrass-pulsively substituting a circulation of paper credit ed the land owner in proportion as his estate has in the place of gold, it subjected all real property been encumbered with mortgages and other fixed to the uncertain fluctuation of a rise or fall of prices payments assigned upon it, during the deprecia- merely nominal, according as the horizon of public tion of money. The only alleviation for this evil is credit appeared bright or stormy to the greedy eye to be looked for in such a gradual reduction of the of speculative avarice. A direct debasement of the rate of the interest of money below the legal mini- coin to any fixed intrinsic value, by which the mum, as may make those encumbrances a lighter worth of property and the price of labour might burden upon the landed interests of the kingdom; still have been correctly measured, would have and this reduction, if peace continues, there is every been a blessing to the country, compared with all room to hope for. The difficulties in which the al- the private miseries and public mischiefs that have terations of our currency have involved the farm resulted, and are yet to follow the fatal order of ing, the manufacturing, and the trading interests of council of the twenty-seventh February, 1797. Inthe country must diminish in proportion as con- stead of characterising that measure, therefore, as a tracts, prices, and labour, adjust themselves to the departure from the ancient standard, or an alterapresent value of money." tion of the currency, as this report does, it is our fervent hope, that some future committee of the representatives of the people, will not hesitate to call it by its right name, affix some public stigma upon a policy so devoid of justice and of wisdom, and discover some means of rendering it impossible for any future minister, by a similar act, to complete the ruin of the country." In commenting upon this public document, it may be necessary to attempt the reconcilement of some apparent contradictions, and this is an act of great delicacy, in as much as being unacquainted with the precise data on which this legislatorial production was founded, the arguments contained therein can alone be scrutinized, unconnected with the evidence which gave rise to it. The subject being of importance, necessarily originates a commensurate diffidence in the enquiry. There is at first a seeming paradox, in ascribing the distressful pressure of this period to the superabundant harvest, as it might be contended, that the superabundance of any commodity, however low its price, in the hands of its possessor, must be compensated for by that very superabundance. So though the over sup ply of grain in the market lowers the price to the grower, yet the capability of abundance to bring such supply, counterbalances its lowness of price by the ratio of increase, which a superabundant harvest supplies him with to carry to that market. On the contrary, it may be observed, that the expense of raising and preparing the grain for sale, in a When this report of the before-mentioned committee was made public, it extinguished the hopes which had been entertained from their labours, and despondent indeed was the common mind, that no discovery for the distresses of the agricultural clas ses could be made. It now became more and more evident to the unprejudiced observer, that the chain of events which had induced the fatal policy of Mr. Pitt, in suspending the use of coin, and thereby inundating this country with a floating pa per medium, in too many instances nominal, and consequently easily attained by the speculatist,was, now things had returned to their original level of solid metallic currency, productive of chief, if not of all the evils, which oppressed and nearly overwhelmed, not alone the agricultural, but dependent come to an equal amount with that of his royal bro ther. thereon, the manufacturing, commercial, and every other branch of the community. In this state no remedy could be applied, no effectual relief contemplated, but from the gradual progression of time and remission of taxation, which might restore the coin of the realm to its ancient and natural mode of operation and value. RESUMPTION OF CASH PAYMENTS. Ar such a crisis, fortunately for the country, the governor and directors of the bank of England, true to the interest of their establishment and the community-boldly renouncing all the former ideas which interest, presumption, or power had induced them to adopt, and so long persevere in-swayed by this enlightened policy, they anticipated the period prefixed by law for the resumption of cash payments, and not only voluntarily opened their hoards to the holders of their notes, but in this session of parliament succeeded in obtaining an act which hastened the final removal of the restriction by a whole year. By this act it was made imperative on the bank of England to pay all demands upon it in cash, after the first of May 1822, in the place of the first of May in the next year of 1823. The remaining transaction of this session which from its import demands especial record, was the chancellor of the exchequer's statement of the sup plies required for the year, and his estimated ways and means. The total amount of supplies voted for the various services constituted the sum of eighteen million twenty-one thousand eight hundred pounds, to which was added, interest of exchequer bills one million pounds; with two hundred and ninety thousand pounds for the sinking fund on the same; as well as seven hundred and six thousand four hundred pounds for Irish treasury bills and public works-making in the whole twenty million eighteen thousand two hundred pounds. BUDGET FOR 1821. THE ways and means were stated as follows:Annual taxes, four million pounds; temporary excise duties, one million five hundred thousand pounds; lottery, two hundred thousand pounds; old stores, one hundred and sixty-three thousand four hundred pounds; from the pecuniary indemnity paid by France, five hundred thousand pounds; repayment of exchequer bills lent for public works, one hundred and twenty-five thousand pounds; surplus of ways and means for 1820, eighty-one thousand six hundred and thirty pounds. In further aid of the ways and means, there was taken from the sinking fund of Great Britain a loan of twelve million five hundred thousand pounds; and from the sinking fund of Ireland, five hundred thousand pounds; increase of capital of bank of Ireland, four hundred and sixty-one thousand five hundred and thirty-nine pounds-making a total of ways and means, twenty million thirty-one thousand five hundred and sixtynine pounds. Supplies voted, twenty million eigh. teen thousand two hundred pounds-excess of ways and means, thirteen thousand three hundred and sixty-nine pounds. After this view of the ways and means for the year, the chancellor of the exchequer proceeded to state the probable amount of the revenue, and deduced therefrom that the general revenue would be fifty-five million eleven thousand one hundred and fourteen pounds; while the total expenditure, including the supplies, was sixty-eight million two hundred and twenty-one thousand eight hundred pounds. Thus exhibiting the pleasing prospect of an expenditure under that of the foregoing year, of no less a sum than three million pounds-a view of finance highly gratifying in itself, as indicative of what might be anticipated from a continuation of the joint system of peace and retrenchment. VOTE OF INCREASED ANNUITY TO DUKE OF CLARENCE. The labours of the session being finished, parliament was prorogued on the eleventh of July, when a speech was delivered in his majesty's name by commission. DEATH OF NAPOLEON, EX-EMPEROR OF FRANCE, IN CAPTIVITY AT ST. HELENA. FROM the eventful period that Napoleon, the exemperor of France, became the captive of St. Helena, the wonderful and almost talismanic influence connected for so many years with the bare mention of his name, gradually diminished; and even the intelligence of his death, which reached England in the beginning of July in this year, created but a slight sensation, in comparison with the effect that would have been produced all over Europe by the same event, had it occurred before the battle of Waterloo, or at any time that he exercised absolute rule over that immense nation, swelled by those tributary kingdoms which acknowledged his power. Various and contradictory accounts of the state of his health, and of his mode of life, had been propagated in England and France, during his detention at St. Helena; and many complaints were made to the British government respecting the regulations enforced upon the ex-emperor, the parthers of his exile, and the servants who followed him in his misfortunes. It was alleged that restraints were imposed, and privations exacted, which the most timid caution against escape could not justify; and that a system of petty insults and puerile annoyances, was adopted towards the imperial prisoner, which produced upon such a mind as Napoleon's more cruel tortures than if his body had been fettered with the heaviest chains. Many volumes detailing the treatment of Napoleon were published-according to which, and if the facts related be strictly true, it is to be, lamented that the honour of Great Britain will suffer in the opinion of posterity for the absence, on this occasion, of the usual national generosity to a prostrate foe. The custody of Napoleon was a trust, which demanded in its exercise the most magnanimous feelings, combined with the highest principles of chivalric honour, and an understanding soaring far above the petty prejudices of the vulgar poli tician. Upon these points, as well as for a detail of the transactions of St. Helena subsequent to the arrival of Napoleon, we must refer our readers to divers cotemporary publications; and shall leave them to form their own opinion upon circumstances too loosely stated, and of too recent occurrence to receive the seal of history, countersigned by trut and impartiality. Whatever opinion posterity may pronounce upon the line of conduct pursued by the government of Great Britain towards the most formidable enemy that ever appeared in arms against her, when that enemy was subjugated to her power, and held his life in her hands, however busy malevolent report had been, it was in a great degree gratifying to the feelings of Englishmen to find the odious and infamous insinuation that his dissolution was accelerated by poison for ever annihilated by the infallible evidence produced on the inspection of the body after his decease. The official detail of these circumstances was transmitted to the earl of Bathurst, one of his majesty's secretaries of state, by Sir Hudson Lowe, in the following despatch : "MY LORD, "St. Helena, 6th May, 1821. "It falls to my duty to inform your lordship, that Napoleon Bonaparte expired at about ten minutes before six o'clock in the evening of the 5th instant, after an illness which had confined him to his apartments since the 17th of March last. He was attended during the early parts of his indisposition, from the 17th to the 31st March by his own medical assistant, professor Automarchi, alone. During the latter period from the 1st April to the 5th May, he received the daily visits of Dr. Arnott, of his ma NEARLY the last act of this parliamentary session was the vote of an annuity of six thousand pounds to the duke of Clarence. His royal highness had declined a similar grant on a former occasion; but on the sixth of June lord Castlereagh informed the house, that as, since the period of the aforesaid declining, the situation of the royal duke had majesty's 20th regiment, generally in conjunction with terially changed, (being now married,) he was desirous of availing himself of the favourable intentions of parliament, for the augmentation of his in professor Automarchi, Dr. Short, physician to the forces, and Dr. Mitchell, principal medical officer of the royal navy on the station, whose services, as well as those of any other medical persons on the island, had been offered, were called upon in consultation by professor Automarchi, on the 3d of May; but they had not any opportunity afforded to them of seeing the patient. Dr. Arnott was with him at the moment of his decease, and saw him expire. Captain Crokatt orderly officer in attendance, and Drs. Short and Mitchell saw the body immediately afterwards. Dr. Arnott remained with the body during the night. Early this morning, at about seven o'clock, I proceeded to the apartment where the body lay, accompanied by rear-admiral Lambert, naval commander in-chief on this station; the marquis de Montchenu, commissioner of his majesty the king of France, charged with the same duty also on the part of his majesty the emperor of Austria; brigadier-general Coffin, second in command of the troops; Thomas H. Brooke and Thomas Greentree, Esqrs. members of the council in the government of this island; and captains Brown, Hendry, and Marryat of the royal navy. After viewing the person of Napoleon Buonaparte, which lay with the face uncovered, we retired. An opportunity was afterwards afforded, with the concurrence of the persons, who had composed the family of Napoleon Buonaparte, to as many officers as were desirous, naval and military, to the hon. the East India company's officers, and civil servants, and to various other individuals resident here, to enter the room in which the body lay, and to view it. "At two o'clock, this day, the body was opened in the presence of the following medical gentle men: "Dr. Short, M.D.; Dr. Mitchell, M.D.; Dr. Ar. nott, M.D.; Dr. Burton, M.D.; of his majesty's sixty-sixth regiment, and Matthew Livingstone, Esq. surgeon in the East India company's service. Professor Automarchi assisted at the dissection, general Bertrand and count Montholon were present. After a careful examination of the several internal parts of the body, the whole of the medical gentlemen present concurred in a report on their appearance. This report is enclosed. I shall cause the body to be interred with the honours due to a general officer of the highest rank. I have intrusted this despatch to captain Crokatt, of his majesty's twentieth regiment, who was the orderly officer in attendance upon the person of Napoleon Buonaparte at the time of his decease. He embarks on board his majesty's sloop Heron, which rear-admiral Lambert has detached from the squadron under his command with the intelligence. "I have, &c. "H. Lowe, Lieut.-Gen." The medical report in the above despatch was couched in the following terms : "LONGWOOD, ST. HELENA, "6th May, 1821. Report of appearance on dissection of the body of Napoleon Bonaparte. " "On a superficial view, the body appeared very fat, which state was confirmed by the first incision down its centre, where the fat was upwards of an inch and a half over the abdomen. On cutting through the cartilages of the ribs, and exposing the cavity of the thorax, a trifling adhesion of the left pleura was found to the pleura costalis. About three ounces of reddish fluid were contained in the left cavity; and nearly eight ounces in the right. The lungs were quite sound. The pericardium was natural, and contained about an ounce of fluid. The heart was of the natural size, but thickly covered with fat. The auricles and ventricles exhibited nothing extraordinary, except that the muscular part appeared rather paler than natural. Upon opening the abdomen the omentum was found remarkably fat, and upon opening the stomach, that viscus was found the seat of the disease. Strong adhesions connected the whole superior surface, particularly about the pyloric extremity to the concave surface of the left lobe of the liver; and on separating these, an ulcer, which penetrated the coats of the stomach, was discovered one inch from the pylorus sufficient to allow the passage of the little finger. The internal surface of the stomach to nearly its whole extent was a mass of cancerous disease or schirrous portions advancing to cancer; this was particularly noticed near the pylorus. The cardiac extremity, for a small space near the termination of the oesophagus, was the only part appearing in a healthy state. The stomach was This report clearly shows, that the disorder which occasioned the death of Napoleon was a cancer in the stomach, to which it is probable he had an he reditary disposition, his father having died of the same disease at the early age of thirty-five. The pain which the ex-emperor endured from this com plaint for a long period prior to his dissolution, was so acute, being, according to his description, as if a knife had been thrust into his body, and broken short off. Whatever impetuosity he formerly displayed, he, however, bore this excruciating torture with remarkable patience, and never was heard to utter a single complaint. His thoughts in his last hours were apparently fixed upon his son, and upon France. The bust of the young prince was placed by his express command at the foot of the bed upon which he expired; it was the object to which his eyes constantly turned, and to which his ideas may be supposed as constantly to have reverted. The last words which were heard to fall from him were in conformity to this idea, being a repetition of "Tete"-" Armee"-" Fils"—" France.” Publicity being now courted, it was determined that the body of Napoleon should lie in state, that the inhabitants of the island in general might have an opportunity of viewing his remains. The corpse, dressed in a green uniform, which the ex-emperor had worn, was extended on the small tent-bedstead, on which he was accustomed to rest during his campaigns, and on this bedstead was spread the blue-cloth-cloak which he wore at the battle of Morengo; the decoration of the legion of honour was placed on his side; and a small crucifix upon his heart. The climate of the island rendered it expedient to hasten the interment, and the ninth of May was appointed for that ceremony. Napoleon himself had marked out the spot in which it was his desire to be buried, in a wild sequestered little valley, about a mile distant from his residence, and very near a spring, over which the branches of two wil low trees formed a delightful shade. To this secluded place it was the frequent custom of Napoleon to retire alone; and among the meditations which he indulged in that "rude solitude," it is now evident that the consideration of his mortality was one. There is not perhaps to be found in the whole range of history a more striking contrast than the condition of this individual thus presents to the contemplation of mankind-the captive of the rock of St. Helena, measuring out a little space of ground to form his secluded grave; and the captain of millions of idolizing warriors, the imperial potentate, the arbiter of nations, to whose ambitious mind the dream of universal empire seemed within his grasp. Military honours due to the remains of a general of the first rank were paid to those of the late emperor. The selected spot having been previously consecrated, the funeral procession was arranged in the following order: The grave was fourteen feet deep, very wide at the top, the lower part chambered to receive the coffin. The body was inclosed in three coffins, mahogany, lead, and oak; the heart in a silver cup, filled with spirits, and the stomach preserved in another silver cup, were both deposited in the coffin; notwithstanding the earnest desire of counts Bertrand and Montholon to be permitted to take the former to Europe, and the request of Napoleon's surgeon to retain the latter. One large stone covered the whole of the lower chamber, which thus received the entire remains of Napoleon Buonaparte; and the grave was then filled up with solid masonry, clamped with iron. Immediately after the funeral of Napoleon, the establishment which had been so expensive to Great Britain, amounting to nearly half a million per annum, was broken up. Counts Bertrand and Montholon, with the rest of the faithful followers, and the household of the late emperor, repaired to Europe. On his arrival in France count Bertrand was received in a manner which reflects much honour on the restored monarch of that kingdom, who justly appreciating the merits of that fidelity the count had so nobly proved to his chosen master, rewarded it, by restoring to him his rank and honours in the army by a royal ordinance. The will of Napoleon was brought over by the count, and was duly registered in the prerogative court of the of Canterbury. It bears date April fourteen 1821; and there are three codicils an- j nexed dated seven days later. This will appears principally to have been made for the purpose of rewarding, as far as his means permitted him, such of his friends, officers, and domestics, as the testator conceived to have the most peculiar claims upon his remembrance; and the funds out of which these legacies were to be paid, consisted of the sum of six millions of francs, which he had deposited with the banker, La Fitte, at the period of his departure from Paris, in 1815. The common lot of mortality having overtaken Napoleon, it may be instructive to the human mind to comment shortly upon his extraordinary elevation; nor is it wholly unworthy of remark, that he furnishes an additional example and monition to desperate politicians, that it is not the originally factious character which gains by tumult, but that in general they become speedy victims at the altar of ambition, and are usually after the first tide of success, swept away by the million into their original state; happy only should they escape ultimate destruction, during the evanescent reign of anarchy and confusion, which preludes and rules most revolutionary proceedings. So was it with Napoleon,-whilst France was deluged in blood by the successive mobs and usurping demagogues of a day,-he, in the humble capacity of a sublieutenant of artillery, contemplated the storm safe in his obscurity. The siege of Toulon first evinced his skill in gunnery; his talents as an engineer and the era of liberty and equality opposing no bar to promotion, his rise was extremely rapid to the chief command of the army of Italy; his victories were as surprising; fortune favoured all his schemes, and seemed, while holding the balance, to smile on her favourite child; for into which ever scale he threw his sword, it as surely and speedily preponderated against all opposing powers of single or allied forces, at that period. His Egyptian campaign sullied his former successes, yet he returned to his adopted country at an eventful period, in time to command her destinies, first as consul, and subsequently as emperor; to this he added the titles of king of Italy, protector of the confederates of the Rhine, and the Helvetic confederacy; instituting two orders of chivalry, he bestowed the iron crown and legion of honour on all his military and other dependants deserving favour, and created a halo of enthusiasm throughout France, favourable to his views of universal and absolute sovereignty; his nobles, his marshals, his dignitaries and savans, rallied round and supported his cause to the last, with their councils, their treasures, and their lives; nor at Elba was his welfare neglected, or even in his final exile was he deserted by them; he possessed the skill of Eliza, beth, in availing himself by every means of the talents of the country, and by fostering, made them appear his own, and subservient to the splendour of his career. Resembling Cromwell in many particulars of religious and subservient policy, skill as a commander, and knowledge as a negotiator, he went beyond him in assuming the purple robe of imperial sway; and while he pursued his game of political chess, he not only checkmated a king whenever he pleased, but played with kingdoms, and considering crowns as baubles, transferred the regal dignity at his caprice to various branches of his own family, having at one period Naples, Spain, Holland, Westphalia, and Italy, erected into kingdoms, and governed by his brothers and near relatives; his mother and sisters were queens and princesses; his uncle a cardinal; nor did his aggraudizement rest here, but by his matrimonial alliance with the house of Austria, he consolidated his power so, that had not his own destructive ambition undermined the splendid edifice, which his talents and his fortune had erected, it must have stood against ordinary events and combinations, in perennial and overtowering pride. As it proved, providence wisely ordained the poison should contain its own antitode; and his sudden rise, declension, and fall, will long stand as a lesson of morality while it hands down to after ages, the unparalleled biography in the greater class of heroes, rulers, and uncommon men,-of Napoleon cidevant emperor of the Gauls. SITUATION OF THE QUEEN. DURING the period that the utmost attention of parliament was devoted to the various subjects, of which a mere outline has been attempted, the public mind was excited to a very extraordinary degree, by the violence of party writers, both for and against the government. At this momentous era, the state of the public press of England was a source of melancholy regret to every unprejudiced mind and well-wisher to the country. The sordid lust of gain had so entirely vanquished the cause of truth, so completely subjugated the spirit of candid inquiry, on which the value of a free press alone depends, that the best feelings of Englishmen were wantonly sported with, by the hirelings of party and public opinions, by dint of venal pens, was as frequently the result of error as of truth. In this position of affairs, the popular indignation was aroused by the peculiarly unfortunate situation of the queen; a situation which roused the passions of the people in a surprising manner. Her majesty, by the result of her trial, was left in a state of unforeseen and very delicate nature; possessed of her prerogatives of queen consort, whilst the disclosures made during the examination of witnesses, added to the influence of the highest example, precluded her from that class of society alone from which it might naturally be expected a queen of England ought to select her circle of associates and friends. Such combination of circumstances operating as an exclusion, threw this ill-fated princess into close alliance with a party notoriously opposed to the then existing administration; and which party, biassed by political motives, did not disdain to add to their phalanx, on this occasion, the conjunctive aid of the radical faction, who eagerly embraced so rare an opportunity of assailing royalty itself, under the wily paradox of espousing a royal cause. The kingdom now presented the unpleasing ap pearance of a house divided against itself; and doubtless much art had been resorted to on all sides to widen a breach which fatally existed, and which providence ruling the predominant good |