In the answer which lord Grenville forwarded on the twentieth of January, the king expressed his concern in observing that the unprovoked aggres sions of France, the sole cause and origin of the war, were systematically defended by her present ruler, under the same injurious pretences by which they were originally attempted to be disguised. His majesty refused to enter into the refatation of allegations then universally exploded, and, in so far as they respected his conduct, not only in themselves utterly groundless, but contradicted both by the internal evidence of the transactions to which they related, and also by the express testimony (given at the time) of the government of France itself.— The French minister was referred to the first note of the British government for his majesty's opinion of the present overtures.

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT FINANCE-
SUBSIDIES--DEBATES ON THE WAR.

king had given frequent proofs of his sincere desire from an opposite disposition, as soon as the French for the re-establishment of secure and permanent revolution had broken out, almost all Europe had tranquillity in Europe. He never was, nor had entered into a league for its destruction. Assailed been, engaged in any contest for a vain and false on all sides, the republic could not but extend uniglory. He had no other view than that of maintain-versally the efforts of her defence; and it was ing, against all transgression, the rights and happi- only for the maintenance of her own independence ness of bis subjects. For these he had contended that she had made use of those means which she against an unprovoked attack, and, for the same possessed in her own strength, and the courage of objects, he was still obliged to contend; nor could her citizens. he hope that this necessity would be removed by entering, at the present moment, into negotiation with those whom a fresh revolution had so recently placed in the exercise of power in France; since no real advantage could arise from such negotiation to the great and desirable object of general peace, until it should distinctly appear that those causes had ceased to operate which originally produced the war, and by which it had since been protracted, and, in more than one instance, renewed. The same system, to the prevalence of which France justly ascribed all her present miseries, was that which had also involved the rest of Europe in a long and destructive warfare, of a nature long since unknown to the practice of civilized nations. For the extension of this system, and for the extermination of all established governments, the resources of France had, from year to year, and in the midst of the most unparalleled distress, been lavished and exhausted. To that indiscriminate spirit of destruction the Netherlands, the United Provinces, the Swiss Cantons, (his majesty's ancient friends and allies,) had successively been sacrificed. Germany had been ravaged; Italy, though then rescued from its invaders, had been made the scene of unbounded rapine and anarchy. His majesty had himself been compelled to maintain an arduous and burdensome contest for the independence and existence of his kingdom. Nor bad these calamities Leen confined to Europe alone; they had been extended to the most distant quarters of the world, and to countries so remote, both in situation and interest, from the present contest, that the very existence of such a war was perhaps unknown to those who found themselves suddenly involved in all its horrors. While such a system continued to prevail, experience had shown that no defence, but that of open and steady hostility, could be availing. Greatly, indeed, would his majesty rejoice, whenever it should appear that the dangers to which his own dominions, and those of his allies, had been so long exposed, bad really ceased; whenever he should be satisfied that the necessity of resistance was at an end; that, after the experience of so inany years of crimes and miseries, better principles had ultimately prevailed in France; and that all the gigantic projects of ambition, and all the restless schemes of destruction, which had endangered the very existence of civil society, had, at length, been finally relinquished; but the conviction of such a change could result only from experience, and from the evidence of facts. The best and most natural pledge of its reality and permanence would be the restoration of that line of princes which, for so many centuries, maintained the French nation in prosperity at home, and in consideration and respect abroad; such an event would at once have removed, and would at any time remove, all obstacles in the way of negotiation for peace. His majesty made no claim to prescribe to France what should be the form of her government, or in whose hands she should vest the authority necessary for conducting the affairs of a great and powerful nation: he looked only to the security of his own dominions, and those of his allies, and to the general safety of Europe. Whenever he should judge that such security could, in any manner be obtained, he would eagerly embrace the opportunity to concert with his allies the means of immediate and general pacification.

In the reply to this answer of the British cabinet, dated the fourteenth of January, Buonaparte renewed the assertion that France was not the aggressor in the war; that, so far from having provoked it, she had, from the commencement of her revolution, solemnly proclaimed her love of peace, her disin clination to conquests, and her respect for the in. dependence of all governments; and it was not to be doubted that, occupied entirely at that time with her own internal affairs, she would have avoided taking part in those of Europe, and would have remained faithful to her declarations: but,

AFTER the adjournment, the first subject of importance that engaged the attention of parliament was the correspondence which had recently taken place between the British and French governments. Miuisters inquired what possible advantage could result from a negotiation with France at this moment, and asked whether the consular government presented a greater certainty of a favourable termination of a treaty than any of the revolutionary governments which had preceded it: the minority, on the other hand, animadverted on the precipitation of ministers in closing the door at once to all hopes of pacification. The rejection of the overtures made by the first consul was, however, approved by decided majorities in both houses; and it was accordingly determined to carry on the war on an extensive scale. To enable the allies to bring the greatest possible number of troops into the field, negotiations were immediately entered into with the emperor, the duke of Wirtemberg, and the elector of Bavaria: the army of Conde, and the Swiss regiment of Rovera, were also taken into the pay of England; and it was proposed, and agreed to by parliament, to enable the treasury to advance the sum of five hundred thousand pounds until the subsidiary treaties had been signed and adjusted.

The military and naval forces deemed necessary for the service of the year 1800 were nearly the same as in 1799. Pitt, in detailing the means for raising the supply, estimated the income tax at five million three hundred thousand pounds, exclusive of one million seven hundred thousand pounds, appropriated to the payment of interest for thirty-two million five hundred thousand pounds; but he expressed the strongest expectation that it would turn out to better account. He had negotiated a loan of eighteen million five hundred thousand pounds; the surplus of the consolidated fund he reckoned at about four million pounds; exchequer bills three million pounds; and an advance of three million pounds, bearing no interest for six years, from the bank, as a premium for the renewal of the charter for twenty-one years, with the incidental sources of revenue, made up the required sum of thirty-nine million five hundred thousand pounds. These financial proposals, which underwent a variety of strictures from the vigilant observation of Tierney, were ultimately carried.

Pitt having moved, on the seventeenth of February, for an advance of five hundred thousand pounds to the emperor of Germany, it was opposert with great energy by Tierney, who conjared the house to recollect that the war had now continued seven years, at the expense of two hundred million pounds, on the pretext of its being just and necessary. Just it could not be, if the object of it were to force upon the French nation the restoration of the Bourbons; nor necessary, because we had refused to negotiate when the opportunity was presented to us. If this sum were granted, much larger

GEORGE III. demands would follow; and thus we were to lavish our blood and treasure in a cause for which no satisfactory or intelligible reason could be assigned, and he defied the ministers to name one. Pitt found no difficulty in stating the object of the war in a single word-security; security against a danger the greatest that had ever threatened the world-a danger which never existed before in any period of society-which had been felt and resisted by all the nations of Europe, but by none so successfully and uniformly as our own. Our resistance had not been confined to external force; it had joined internal policy and wise legislative measures to oppose jacobinism in the bosom (he was sorry to have found it there) of our own country. How was it discovered that jacobinism had disappeared in France? It was now centred in one man, nursed in its school, who had gained celebrity under its auspices, and was at once the child and the champion of its atrocities. Granting that two hundred million pounds had been expended for the words "just and necessary," they had been expended, he said, for the beat of causes, to protect the dearest rights, to defend the most valuable privileges, the laws, the liberties, the happiness of our country; and, for such objects, as much more would we spend, and as much more could we find.

1700-1820.0

On the fifteenth of January, 1800, the Irish parliament met at Dublin; aud, on the fifth of February, a message from the lord-lieutenant intimated the king's desire that the resolutions passed by the parliament of Great Britain should be submitted to the attentive consideration of the Irish legislature; and expressed his hope that the great object to which they related might be matured and completed by the wisdom of the two parliaments, and the loyal concurrence of the people. On this occasion the secretary of state, lord Castlereagh, to whose management the business was intrusted, entered into a comprehensive view of the measure proposed, recommending it by arguments analogous to those of Pitt, and other advocates of the Union in the British parliament. resolution, after a vehement debate, the numbers On moving the first were, in favour of the measure, one hundred and fifty-eight, against it one hundred and fifteen. The tumults of the populace of Dublin were, upon this occasion, very alarming; and a military guard was found necessary to preserve the advocates of the Union from personal violence. peers the earl of Clare, late lord Fitzgibbon, chanIn the house of cellor of Ireland, on moving the first resolution, de clared himself satisfied, from an attentive observa tion of what had passed in Ireland for the last twenty years, that the existence of her independent parliament had gradually led to her recent and bitter calamities; and avowed that he had, for the preceding seven years, pressed upon ministers the urgent necessity of union. Lords Dillon, Fowerscourt, Farnham, and Bellamont, declared their disapprobation of the measure, which was defended by the law lords, Carleton and Kilwarden, and various other peers; after which the question upon the first resolution was put, and carried by seventy five against twenty-six voices. The succeeding resolutions were in the course of a few weeks passed through this house with the same or greater facility. In the course of these debates, three different protests, drawn with vigour and ability, were entered upon the journals, signed by the duke of Leinster, the marquis of Downshire, lords Pery and Moira, the bishop of Down, and about twenty other peers, expressive of their highest indignation at these proceedings. On the seventeenth of February, the house of commons being in a general committee, Corry, chancellor of the exchequer, made an able speech in vindication of the measure, blended, however, agrecably to the too frequent custom of the Irish parliament, with virulent party and personal reflections. The reply of Grattan, who had opposed the measure throughout with all the powers of eloquence, was so pointed and severe, that the chancellor thought proper to resent it by a challenge, and a duel ensued, in which five shots were exchanged; and Corry was wounded, though not dangerously. On the twenty-seventh of March, the whole business being completed, lord Castlereagh moved an address to his majesty from the commons, declaring their approbation of the resolutions transmitted to them, which they considered as wisely calculated to form the basis of a complete and entire union of the two legislatures; that by

NOTES TO CHAPTER XXXI.

CHAPTER XXXII.

Recall of the Russian troops-Genoa evacuated by the French-Buonaparte crosses the Alps, and gains the battle of Marengo—Armistice concluded in Italy-Campaign in Germany, and Armistice-Preli minaries Signed—Disavowed by the Emperor-Naval Armistice proposed to England by France, and rejected-Armistice with Austria prolonged-Hostilities resumed-Treaty of Peace concluded at Luneville between Austria and France-Affairs of Egypt-Assassination of General Kleber-Naval operations-Unsuccessful attempt on Ferrol and Cadiz-Reduction of Malta-War with Russia-Confederacy of the Northern Powers-Parliament Assembled on account of the Scarcity of Corn-Popuiation Bill-New royal Title-Meeting of the Imperial Parliament-King's Speech, and Debates on the Address-Dispute in the Cabinet on the Catholic Question-New Ministry-The King's return of Illness-Parliamentary Proceedings-Prorogation-Embargo on Russian, Danish, and Swedish vessels-Measures of the Northern Powers, and Occupation of Hanover-Nelson's Victory at CopenhagenArmistice Death of the Emperor Paul-Final adjustment with the Northern Powers-Invasion of Portugal by Spain, and subsequent Pacification-Madeira occupied by the English-Expedition to Egypt, and final expulsion of the French-Projected Invasion of England-Convention between Buonaparte and the Pope-Naval actions—Attack on the Boulogne Flotilla-Peace between Great Britain and France.

RECALL OF THE RUSSIAN TROOPS-GENOA | peror, and was followed by a proposal from the EVACUATED-BATTLE OF MARENGO.

THE Russian emperor, Paul, little inclined to I listen to a calm investigation of facts, and easily led away by the hasty impulses of passion, conceived an insuperable disgust at the unexpected disasters which had befallen his troops in Switzerland and in Holland, at the close of the last campaign, and recalled his whole army from the scene of ac tion.

vanquished general for an armistice, which he purchased by the restitution of Genoa, and the surrender of the citadels of Milan, Turin, Tortona, and

other fortresses. Buonaparte' then went to Milan to re-establish the Cisalpine republic, which he declared a free and independent nation.

The French army under Moreau had entered Suabia at the latter end of April, where it was opposed by general Kray, and, after various movements of little importance, they at length_compelled the Austrians to retire, took possession of Munich, levied contributions on the Elector of Bavaria, and threatened the hereditary states of the emperor. Thus pressed, the Austrians deemed it expedient to consent to an armistice (that in Italy not extending to Germany), which was concluded with Moreau on the fifteenth of July. Count St.Julien was sent to Paris by the Austrian court, where he signed preliminaries of peace with France on the basis of the treaty of Campo Formio; but the emperor, having entered into a new compact with Great Britain, by which it was agreed that neither party should conclude a peace which did not comprehend the other, formally disavowed it, and refused to conclude any treaty, unless England was included in it. At the beginning of September a proposal was made through M. Otto, the French commissary, residing in London, to the British mi nisters, for concluding a naval armistice, on which condition alone the first consul would consent to prolong the one with Austria, and a long correspondence took place on the subject; but it evidently appearing that the only object of Buonaparte was to obtain an opportunity of sending supplies to Malta and Alexandria, both of which were strictly blockaded by an English squadron, and as a new armistice was, during the negotiation, concluded with Austria, on condition of the surrender of the three important fortresses of Philipsburgh, Ulm, and Ingoldstadt, by which the French secured an opening into the hereditary states of Austria, the proposal was ultimately rejected on the ninth of October. This armistice terminated on the twenty. ninth of November, when Moreau_resumed offen. sive operations, and the archduke John at first ob tained some advantage; but in a general attack on the lines at Hohenlinden, on the third of December, the Austrians were entirely defeated, and in consequence the French gained possession of Saltzburg. In the space of twenty days from the recommencement of hostilities, the Austrians lost forty thousand men, killed, wounded, and prison. ers, while that of the French was comparatively small.

The archduke Charles, too, who gave fair promise of emulating the example of the most renowned warriors, had, by the crooked policy and ruinous influence of the Aulic council, which had controlled his operations and thwarted his views, been deprived of the command of the Austrian troops; and they were now led by the veteran general Kray in Germany, while Melas continued to command the imperial force employed in Italy. The first operation of any consequence was the siege of Genoa by the Austrians, who were assisted by an English squadron under the command of lord Keith. Massena defended the city with a vigour and resolution which have seldom been surpassed; and, after the loss of many thousand lives on both sides, famine alone induced him to enter into a treaty, which was concluded on terms honourable to the defenders, and, on the fourth of une, Genoa was evacuated. In the mean time Buonaparte collected a powerful army of reserve in the plains of Burgundy, of which he took the command early in May, and immediately prepared for crossing that formidable mountain, the Great St. Bernard. Having effected the passage, although a design so vast had not been attempted since the days of Hannibal, he pursued his march into Italy, and, clearing all obstacles, obtained possession of Milan and Pavia. Crossing the Po, he defeated the Austrians at Montobello; and on the sixteenth of June, on the plain between Alessandria and Tortona, was fought the famous battle of Marengo. Here the vigour of the Austrians seemed long to promise victory to their efforts. They turned the wings of the French, and forced the centre to fall back; and Melas even flattered himself with the hope of cutting off the retreat of the disordered troops. But when the chief consul, who was in the heat of action, almost despaired of success, general Desaix appeared with a corps de reserve, and changed the fortune of the day; he fell, however, in the attempt. A new line was formed; the Austrians were checked in their career; and, though they still exhibited marks of obstinate courage, they were at length totally routed. In this memorable battle, which might well decide the fate of Italy, about ten thousand of their number were PEACE BETWEEN AUSTRIA AND FRANCE. killed, wounded, or made prisoners, but not without a loss equally severe on the part of the con- THE archduke Charles, who now took the su querors. This defeat ruined the hopes of the empreme command, seeing no hope of an effectual