tice, and for limiting taxation to those duties necessary for regulating trade and commerce. Fox opposed the bill, contending that the people should be fully and fairly represented; but that, in limiting the assembly of one province to sixteen, and the other to thirty persons, parliament would delude the Canadians by a mockery of representation. He also reprobated the election of the representatives for seven years, contending that in Canada there could be no solid objection to annual, or, at most, triennial elections. He objected that the councils were to be unlimited as to members by any restriction but the pleasure of the king; and as to hereditary honours, he did not think it wise to destroy them where they existed; but to create them where they did not exist, he thought very unwise. He could not account for it, unless it was intended to revive in the west that spirit of chivalry which had fallen into disgrace in a neighbouring country. BURKE'S SECOND INVECTIVE ON THE FRENCH REVOLUTION-BREACH OF HIS FRIENDSHIP WITH FOX. BURKE took occasion, on the re-commitment of the bill, to consider the competency of the house to pass it, with reference to the Rights of Man, lately imported from that neighbouring kingdom. If this code were admitted, the house should call the inhabitants of Canada together to choose a constitution for themselves. The practical effects of that system might be seen in St. Domingo, where hell itself seemed to yawn, and every demon of mischief to overspread the country. Fox defended his former opinions upon the French revolution, as being upon the whole one of the most glorious events in the history of mankind. He spoke of the revolution, not of the constitution, which still remained to be improved by experience. The rights of man were the basis of the British constitution. Our statute book recognises the inherent rights of the people as men. These had once been the principles of his right honourable friend, from whom he had learned them. Having been taught by him that no revolt of a nation was caused without provocation, he rejoiced at the success of a revolution resting on the same basis with our own-the rights of man. Burke said" that he had differed on many occasions from Fox, and there had been no loss of friendship between them. But there was something in the accursed French constitution that envenomed every thing." Fox, on hearing this, interrupted him, saying "there was no loss of friendship." Burke replied "there was: he knew the price of his conduct; he had done his duty, and their friendship was at an end." Fox, on whom the attention of the house was now eagerly fixed, rose to reply; but his feelings were too powerful for utterance. All the ideas so long cherished of gratitude, esteem, and affection, rushed upon his generous and susceptible mind; and involuntary tears were observed to steal down his cheek. A profound and expressive si lence pervaded the house. At length Fox, recovering himself, said, "that however events might have altered the mind of his right honourable friend, for such he must still call him, he could not easily consent to relinquish and dissolve that intimate connection which had for twenty-five years subsisted between them. He hoped that Burke would think on past times, and whatever expressions of his had caused the offence, that he would at least believe such was not his intention." The concessions of Fox made no visible impression on the haughty and unbending temper of Burke; and from this day a schism took place in the politics of the opposition party, which has been productive of very important consequences. RUPTURE WITH RUSSIA. THE only remaining transaction which fell under the notice of parliament this session, was the business of our interference between the Porte and Russia in favour of the former power. The just grounds of the quarrel can only be understood by adverting to the actual situation of affairs on the continent. Leopold, king of Hungary, had no sooner assumed the Austrian sceptre, than he resolved on terminating the war with Turkey; and under the powerful mediation of England and Prussia, a convention was concluded August 1790, at Reichenbach, after a negotiation of some months, protracted in the unavailing hope of rotaining possession of the important fortross of Belgrade, which, fifty years before, England had exerted her utmost influence to secure to the house of Austria. But now, swayed by Prussian counsels, and eagerly solicitous to advance the interests of that upstart and insolent power, in contra-distinction to those of Austria, the ancient and genuine ally of Britain, she harshly and peremptorily insisted on its restitution, in common with all the other Austrian conquests, to the Ottoman Porte. In return, the Austrian Netherlands were guaranteed to the house of Austria, and the possession of the imperial crown eventually ensured to his Hungarian majesty. The Flemings refusing, notwithstanding their distressful condition, to return to the Austrian dominion, a great military force was sent into the country in the autumn of 1790, under the command of marshal Bender, which quickly effected their total reduction; and on the first of January 1791, a solemn Te Deum was sung at Brussels in celebration of that happy event. Sweden also, disappointed in her views and projects of ambition, thought proper to sign a separate peace with Russia, August 1790, on the basis of the former treaties of Abo and Nystadt. The courts of London and Berlin, elated with the success of their mediation at Reichenbach, now in high and arrogant language signified to the empress of Russia their pleasure, that peace should be restored between the Ottoman and Russian empires, on the terms of a general restitution of conquests. The empress replied with equal haughtiness," that she would make peace and war with whom she pleased, without the intervention of any foreign power." Not however choosing too far to provoke the resentment of these formidable and self-created arbitrators, she secretly intimated her willingness to conclude a peace with Turkey, on the condition of retaining the country eastward to the Niester, as a reasonable indemnification for the expenses of the war. This was a waste and desert tract of territory, valuable only for the security it afforded to her former acquisitions, and for including within its limits the strong and important fortress of Oczakow. This being peremptorily refused, the conference broke off, and the empress determined to support her claims by the sword. Pitt therefore, on the twenty-eighth of March, delivered a message to the house of commons from his majesty, importing, "that the endeavours which he had used in conjunction with his allies to effect a pacification not having proved successful, his majesty judged it requisite, in order to add weight to his representations, to make some further augmentation of his naval force." This message being taken into consideration, Pitt enlarged much on the necessity of attending to the preservation of the ba lance of power in Europe. "The influence of the Turkish empire," he said, "was of great effect in the general scale. Its present situation was such as to afford just cause of apprehension to other powers; and to Prussia in particular it must be highly injurious, to suffer the Turkish empire to bo diminished in force and consequence. He therefore moved an address, assuring his majesty that his faithful commons would make good such expenses as may be found necessary." SECOND DISCUSSION OF QUARREL WITH RUSSIA-MINISTER COMPELLED TO GIVE IN. THE prospect of a war with Russia on these frivolous grounds, astonished every thinking individual, alarmed the public, and was opposed in the house with the whole strength and talents of opposition. Fox said, "the right honourable mover of the address had euveloped himself in mystery and im portance, but explained nothing. When the balance of power was mentioned as a reason for arming, it ought to be shown how it was endangered. We had no quarrel with the empress of Russia: we bad no alliance with Turkey. But by the absurd pride of interfering in the affairs of every sovereign state, we involved ourselves in continual expense, and were exposed to the perpetual hazard of war. It was to second the ambitious policy of Prussia, and not for any interests of our own, that we were now called upon to arm. The Czarina, it was well known, had offered to give up all her conquests but a barren district, unprofitable and worthless, except for a single place contained in it, which place was Oc zakow. But would any one seriously pretend that the balance of Europe depended on the trivial circumstance, whether Oczakow should in future belong to the empire of Russia or of Turkey? That this was even with ministers themselves a novel idea, was plain; for Oczakow had been taken in 1788, and in 1789 his majesty had assured the parliament and the nation, that the situation of affairs was such as promised us a continuance of peace." The question was however carried in favour of the address by two hundred and twenty eight to one hundred and thirty-five. It has been said, and with great truth, that this decision of itself was sufficient to demonstrate the necessity of a parliamentary reform: for when the representatives voted for a Russian war, they were so far from speaking the sentiments of the nation, that the people every where execrated the measure. Sensible that this was the prevailing opinion of the country, Grey, on the twelfth of April, brought the business once more before the house, by moving a series of resolutions expressive of the impolicy, inexpediency, and folly of the measure. On the part of the ministry nothing satisfactory was offered. The importance of Oczakow was magnified to a most ridiculous excess. The success of the ministry iu former negotiations was triumphantly dwelt up on, and the confidence of the house challenged in terms unusually strong and pointed. Sheridan, with sarcastic keenness, asked the minister "on what basis this confidence was to rest. Did he recollect the different prospect to which we had been directed to turn our eyes in this year? Did he recollect that this was the promised millennium, that halcyon year in which we had been flattered, instead of fresh burdens, with a reduction of expense, and a clear surplus for the extinction of the na tional debt? The system we had adopted in concert with Prussia, was," he said, "a system of ambition, of vainglory and intrigue, and it fastened upon us a concern of all others the most pernicious that of English interference with German politics. As to the doctrine of confidence in ministers, he totally abjured it. The more constitutional doctrine was that of suspicion and watchfulness. The minister had indeed risen wonderfully in his demands. He recollected the time when he had contented himself with asking only for a guarded and rational confidence; and it was at last grown into a blind and implicit confidence. It appeared that the degree of confidence required, rose in an exact ratio to the absurdity of the measure to be adopted." On the division, the opposition appeared greatly increased, the numbers being, ayes one hundred and seventy-nine, noes two hundred and fifty-nine. To enter into a war in the face of such a minority, and in defiance of the opinion of the public was an undertaking which the minister, with all his acknowledged courage, did not choose to attempt; and therefore, after all the bustling, threatening, and dreadful preparation, the point in dispute was suddenly and wisely given up, and Oczakow remained in the possession of Russia. The session of parliament terminated June the tenth, 1791. His majes ty expressed his perfect satisfaction at the zeal with which the two houses had applied themselves to the consideration of the different objects which he had recommended to their attention. DISGRACEFUL RIOTS AT BIRMINGHAM. SOON after the rising of parliament the nation was disgraced by a wanton and unprovoked series of tumults and outrages, which, for the space of four days, spread terror and alarm through the populous town of Birmingham and the adjacent country. It has been already seen that a difference of sentiment on the character of the French revolution gave rise to a heated and violent discussion in parliament,-ill according with the dignity of a legislative assembly. But this cause of discord was not confined to the higher orders of society: it also pervaded the inferior classes; and considerable pains were taken by ministerial journalists to in flame the passions of the populace against the as. sertors of Gallic liberty. On the other hand the whig party and the friends of freedom in Great Britain rejoiced in the emancipation of a neighbour. ing nation, and flattered themselves that they saw in the success of the French revolution, not only the annihilation of despotism in that country, but the commencement of a new system of politics in Europe, the basis of which was peace, happiness, and mutual concord. In most of the larger towns of Great Britain, associations were formed for the celebration of the French revolution on the fourteenth of July: but the opposite party were not indifferent spectators of these proceedings: the most scandalous and inflammatory insinuations were conveyed in newspapers and pamphlets, stigmatizing the friends of freedom as determined republicans, and representing the act of joining in a convivial meeting on the odious fourteenth of July, as an attempt to overturn the British constitution in church and state. A few days previous to the meeting in commemoration of the French revolution at Birmingham, six copies of the most inflammatory and seditious hand bill, proposing the French revolution as a model to the English, and exciting them to rebellion, were left in a public house by some person unknown. As the contents of this hand bill found a quick and general circulation, they occasioned a ferment in the town. The magistrates offered a reward of one hundred guineas for discovering the author, printer, or publisher of the obnoxious paper; and the friends of the meeting intended for the fourteenth, published at the same time an advertisement explicitly denying the sentiments and doctrines of the seditious hand bill, and disavowing all connection with its author or publisher. The views and intentions of the meeting having, however, been grossly misrepresented, and the gentlemen concerned suspecting the seditious hand bill to be an artifice projected by their adversaries, thought it most advisable to relinquish the scheme; and accordingly notice was given to that effect: but, at the pressing instance of several persons dissatisfied with this determination, the intention was revived, and the company met at the appointed time to the number of between eighty and ninety. The ingenious Keir, well known for his great attainments in chemistry and other branches of philosophy, and a member of the established church, was placed in the chair. The gentlemen had scarcely met before the house was surrounded by a tumultuous crowd, who testified their disapprobation by hisses and groans, and by the shout of Church and King, which became the watch word on this occasion. At five o'clock the company dispersed, and soon afterwards the windows in front of the hotel were demolished, and the house other. wise injured; and notwithstanding the appearance of the magistrates, the mob forcibly entered and searched the house in quest of the guests, but fortunately found none of them remaining. The mob immediately after set on åre and destroyed two meeting-houses of the dissenters, and from thence proceeded to the house of Dr. Priestley, a dissenting minister, which, with his library and val. uable philosophical apparatus, manuscripts and papors, the mob entirely destroyed; and in like manner they continued for three ensuing days to burn the houses and valuable effects of many others of the dissenters who resided near Birmingham. It was in vain that the magistrates swore in an additional number of constables, as the mob baffled all attempts to disperse them, and compelled the constables to retire, many of whom were wounded. On the evening of the third and morning of the fourth day, however, several troops of dragoons arrived and restored tranquillity. Of these infatuated rioters seventeen were tried and five were found guilty; one of whom was reprieved and four executed: thus terminated a scene that dishonoure the national history. CHAPTER XXII. Meeting of Parliament-Flattering Picture of the Finances of the Country-Marriage of the Duke of York-Motion for Abolition of the Slave Trade-Gradual Abolition carried in the House of Commons -Opposed and delayed in the House of Lords-Westminster Police Bill passes-New Forest Bill, introduced by the Ministry, rejected Mr. Rose, charged with Malpractices in Office, acquittedLibel Bill passes-Bill in Favour of the Scottish Episcopalians, passes-The London Corresponding Society, and the Society of the Friends of the People instituted, to obtain a Parliamentary ReformNotice of a Motion for a Reform in the Representation, alarms Ministers-Royal Proclamation against Seditious Writings- Statement of the Revenues of India-Indian War against Tippoo Suib -Sues for Peace-Granted-Terms. MEETING OF PARLIAMENT-FLATTERING TH ation had ventured to suggest. "The amount of the permanent revenue, with the land and malt duties annexed, from January 1791 to January 1792, he estimated at sixteen millions, seven hundred and thirty thousand pounds, being three hundred thousand pounds more than the aggregate of the preceding year. The permanent expenditure, including the interest of the debt, the annual million applied towards its extinction, the civil list, and the military and naval establishments, he calculated at fifteen millions, eight hundred and ten thousand pounds, leaving a clear surplus of more than nine hundred thousand pounds. In this state of things he thought himself authorized to propose a repeal. of a part of the more burdensome taxes, to the amount of about two hundred thousand pounds per annum and at the same time apply the sum of four hundred thousand pounds, to the reduction of the national debt, in aid of the annual million ap general improvement of credit, the three per cents would soon rise so high as to enable parliament to effect a reduction of the four, and, as soon as by law redeemable, of the five per cents, which would add the sum of seven hundred thousand pounds, or little less, to the sinking fund. The indefinite additions which might be expected from the increas 1792. THE latter months of the year 1791 passed over in gloomy silence. The parliament was not convened till the thirty-first of January 1792. The king announced in his speech" the marriage of his son the duke of York with the princess Frederica, daughter of his good brother and ally the king of Prussia. He informed the two houses that a treaty had been concluded, under his mediation and that of his allies, between the emperor and the Ottoman Porte, and that in consequence of their intervention, preliminaries had been agreed upon between the latter of those powers and Russia. The general state of affairs in Europe promised a continuance of peace, and he was induced to hope for an immediate reduction of the naval and military establishments." The address of thanks moved by Charles Yorke, and se-propriated by parliament. In consequence of the conded by Sir James Murray, excited some severe animadversions from Fox, who, in allusion to the cession of Oczakow to Russia, observed," that it required no moderate share of assurance for ministers to say to gentlemen who had supported their measures as wise and necessary, That which you last session contended for as of the utmost importance, we have now abandoned as of none. Willing produce of the existing taxes, the result of our you have the goodness to move an address approving of what we have done? Fox thought it extraordinary that, in mentioning the inestimable blessings of peace and order, no notice was taken of the violent interruption of order which had occurred in the course of the summer. At the close of the eighteenth century we had seen the revival of the spirit and practice of the darkest ages. It would have been well if his majesty had spoken of those riots in the terms they merited. They were not riots for bread-they were not riots in the cause of liberty, which, however highly to be reprobated, had yet some excuse in their principle; they were riots of men neither aggrieved nor complaining-of men who had set on foot an indiscri minate persecution of an entire description of their fellow-citizens, including persons as eminent for their ability as blameless in their conduct, and as faithful in their allegiance as this or any country could boast." Pitt deprecated with warmth the invidious revival of a subject so unpleasant and unprofitable, and wished rather to call the attention of the house to the flourishing condition of the commerce and finances of the nation, of which in a short time he proposed submitting to the house a correct statement. Accordingly, in a few days after, the minister brought this subject regularly forward; and in the course of an eloquent and animated speech, delineated a picture of national prosperity nore flattering than even the most glowing imagin. rapidly increasing commerce, must mock all calculation. Our exports had risen one third in value since the year 1783, and our internal trade had increased in at least an equal proportion. On the continuance of our present prosperity it is indeed impossible to count with certainty; but unquestionably there never was a time when, from the situation of Europe, we might more reasonably expect a durable peace than at the present moment. "From the result of the whole I trust I am entitled to infer, that the scene which we are now contemplating is not the transient effect of accident, not the short-lived prosperity of a day, but the genuine and natural result of regular and permanent causes. We may yet indeed be subject to those fluctuations which often happen in the affairs of a great nation, and which it is impossible to calculate or foresee; but as far as there can be reliance on human speculations, we have the best ground from the experience of the past to look with satisfaction to the present, and with confidence to the future." Such were the brilliant hopes which in this moment of ministerial exultation the people were taught to indulge, and with such dazzling but deceptive splendour rose the morn of a year destined to set in darkness, calamity and blood. MARRIAGE OF THE DUKE of York. On the seventeenth of February, Pitt pre sented a copy of the treaty between his majesty and the king of Prussia on the marriage of his royal highness the duke of York with the princess Frederica Charlotte Ulrique Catherine of Prussia. On the seventh of March the house of commons resolved itself into a committee, to take into consideration an establishment for their royal highnesses the duke and dutchess of York. Sir James Johnstone mentioned Osnaburgh, "which from the best information he had obtained, produced," he said, "thirty-five thousand pounds per annum; he wished therefore to know from authority exactly how much it was worth?" He was answered," that such a question was totally unparliamentary, as that house never considered any thing belonging to princes out of the kingdom. Not a word was ever said of his majesty's revenue from Hanover; it was not even thought of in the discussion of his majesty's revenue, on his different applications to parliament for support." Mr. Burden had no hesitation in saying, though it would no doubt have been extremely unparliamentary to mention it, it is highly probable that an alliance of this sort with the Prussian monarch's family was not considered as an event very auspicious to the peace and prosperity of Great Britain. After much desultory conversation, the resolutions passed the house; by which these kingdoms stand pledged to grant an allowance of thirty thousand pounds per annum to their royal highnesses. THE SLAVE TRADE-ITS GRADUAL ABOLI- COMMONS. On the second of April, the house resolved itself into a committee to consider of the state of the African slave trade. From the decision on Wilberforce's motion last session, it appeared that the enthusiasm of parliament for the abolition had great ly abated; while on the other hand that of the public in general had increased. The table of the house of commons was now covered with petitions from all parts of the kingdom, imploring in earnest language the abolition of that infamous and inhuman traffic. Wilberforce declared, "that from his exertions in this cause he had found happiness, though not hitherto success. It enlivened his waking and soothed his evening hours, and he could not recollect without singular satisfaction, that he had demanded justice for millions who could not ask it for themselves." He concluded an able and eloquent speech, by moving the question of abolition. Wilberforce was powerfully supported by many of the most respectable members of the house; amongst whom Mr. Whitebread particularly distinguished himself by the energy and animation of his remarks. He observed, "that a fatality attended the arguments of those who defended this detestable and shocking trade. In an account of selling the stock of a plantation, one of the evidences in favour of the slave merchants said, that the slaves fetched less than the common price, because they were damaged.' Damaged!" exclaimed Mr. Whitebread, "what is this, but an acknowledg. ment that they were worn down by labour, sickness, by every species of ill treatment. A trade attended with such dreadful evils ought not to be thought of -cannot be mentioned without horror, nor continued without violating every moral and religious obligation." mischiefs we have brought upon that continent If, knowing the miseries we have caused, we rofuse even now to put a stop to them, how greatly aggravated will be the guilt of Britain I Shall we not rather count the days and hours that are suffered to intervene, than to delay the accomplishment of such a work." Fox supported the same side, with a force of argument and energy of expression, equally impressive and convincing. "The honourable gentleman who had proposed the amendment called himself," Fox said, "a moderate man; but he neither felt, nor wished to feel any thing like moderation on the subject. The question before the house was simply this; whether they should authorise by law the commission of crimes in Africa, which in this country would incur the severest penalties, and even an ignominious death? Regulations, in this case, would be as disgraceful as they would be impotent. One gentleman had proposed a premium for the transportation of females. What !" exclaimed Fox, "is the kidnapper then to be encouraged by the British legislature to lay a snare for the harmless maid-to snatch her from the arms of her lover or her parents or to separate the wife from her husband and children? He should like," he said, "to see the clause by which this inhuman measure was to be presented to the parliament of England; he should like to see the man capable of conceiving words to frame such a clause-was there a gentleman in the house bold enough to support it?" The amendment proposed by Dundas was nevertheless carried on the division by a majority of sixty-eight voices. Accordingly he afterwards moved " that the importation of negroes into the British colonies should cease on the first of January 1800." This, on the motion of lord Mornington, was after great difficulty and debate altered to January the first 1796. Á series of resolutions founded on this basis were then agreed to, and sent up to the lords for their concurrence. DELAYED BY THE LORDS. In the upper house these resolutions were fated to meet a very cold reception; and from a large proportion of their lordships a most determined op. position. As this was a favourite measure with the nation, and had indeed been supported in a peculiar mauner by the voice of the people, they were highly offended to see the duke of Clarence, third son of the king, commence his public career with a violent declamation against the abolition, and invective against its advocates; whom he declared to be actuated by the spirit of political and religious fanaticism. With a view to protract, and if possiblo to dismiss the business, the lord chancellor moved, "that evidence be heard, not before a select committee, according to the proposition of lord Grenville, but at the bar of the house." This was seconded by lord Hawkesbury, the well known and inveterate enemy of the abolition. The motion being carried, the business lay over during the remainder of the session. WESTMINSTER POLICE BILL PASSED. THE next affair of importance that came under the consideration of parliament, was the establishment of a new police for the city and liberty of Westminster. The outline of the plan was, to estabIn consequence of the ardour displayed by the na- lish five principal offices, to be always open for the tion at large in this business, it was at length deter- administration of that branch of justice which falls mined to concede, what it was now become difficult within the jurisdiction of the justices of the peace. perhaps dangerous to withhold. Dundas, advanced to To each office three justices were to be appointed, the dignity of secretary of state by the resignation of with a salary of three hundred pounds each per the duke of Leeds, and the organ of the interior cabi- annum. The fees paid into all the offices were to net in the house of commons, now recommended to be consolidated into one fund, which was to be apthe house, the adoption of a middle and moderate plied towards the, discharge of the salaries; and in plan, such as would reconcile the interests of the order completely to annihilate the odious name and West India islands with the eventual abolition of the functions of a trading justice, no person in the comtrade; and concluded by moving "that the word mission of the peace was to be permitted to regradual might be inserted before abolition." Pitt, ceive fees. To unite personal security with gendeclared his decided disapprobation of the amenderal liberty; to preserve inviolate the rights of proment; and in a speech fraught with argument and perty; to repress the efforts of violence without cloquence, conjured the house not to postpone even establishing a system of tyrannical coercion, is for an hour the great and necessary work of among the most arduous labours of government and abolition. 66 Reflect," said Pitt, "on the eighty legislation. That the established system required thousand persons annually torn from their na- some alteration, no person acquainted with the tive land! on the connections which are broken! shameful prostitution of justice which prevailed, on the friendships, attachments, and relation. could possibly doubt: yet the friends of freedom ships that are burst asunder! There is some- saw in the new system of regulation, principles thing in the horror of it that surpasses all the deeply hostile to the general liberties of the nation: bounds of imagination. How shall we repair the and they saw in one particular cause a deviation NEW FOREST BILL REJECTED. from that rule of justice, which for centuries had soconded the motion, and in support of the inquiry been esteemed the palladium of our constitution. stated another fact of a similar nature with that By this clause, the constables were empowered to mentioned by the mover. "In the year 1788," he apprehend such persons as could not give a good said, "one Hoskins being at that time in prison, at account of themselves, and the magistrate to com- the suit of the solicitor to the lottery for certain mit them as incorrigible rogues and vagabonds. penalties incurred by offences against the lottery As the professed design of this clause was to facili- act, wrote to the solicitor informing him that he tate the discovery of a new species of criminals could procure fifty or sixty votes for lord Hood at called reputed thieves, it was pointedly asked, the Westminster election, provided he could be adwhat was the definition of a reputed thief? Tomitted to bail, and that such bail as he could offer punish men for acts which they had not committed, would not be objected to. The solicitor said, he but for crimes which they intended to commit, could not do this on his own accord, but must have was a new and dangerous principle in English authority from a higher quarter. The man was law. Such a system was only calculated to pro- afterwards admitted to bail, and his bail were the tect the rich-to procure ease to their pleasures, most miserable wretches that ever offered to comand to guard the entrance to opera and play- mit a perjury; indeed, so wretched were they, houses. Besides this, the bill referred to another that when they came to take the necessary oaths act, as the rule of punishment: the vagrant act before the judge at his chambers, though they was the statute alluded to, a statute sufficiently brought a note from the solicitor signifying his objectionable, both on account of its undefined consent, they were actually refused. The fact, extent, and the extreme severity of the punish- however, in conclusion was, that their bail was ments it inflicts. It was true there was an ap- taken, and Hoskins agreeable to his engagement peal allowed by this act to the quarter sessions, polled sixty votes for lord Hood; since when, and the persons apprehended under the present neither he nor his bail had ever been heard of. clause might there be acquitted. But still the Lambton having stated this fact, observed," that punishment they had suffered in the first instance the public had paid seven hundred pounds out of could not be done away, nor the evils that resulted their pockets to procure votes for lord Hood; and from their imprisonment remedied. The general if ministers could, as it suited their own convenprinciple of the bill was also arraigned in strong ience, suspend the operation of some laws, and reterms. It was said, that the system of our con- mit the consequences of others, the freedom of the stitution required, that justice should be adminis- country was a shadow and not a substance." tered throughout the kingdom gratuitously; that Rose, in his defence stated, "that the penalty in the discretionary powers granted to justices of which Smith had been convicted was for brewing the peace were in many cases exorbitant, and beer at home, and it appeared that this beer was were only endured in consideration of the per- small beer for the use of his own family. That one sons on whom they were conferred.-Was it fit third of the penalty went to the poor of St. Marthen to grant not only all these, but additional tin's parish; the rest to the king: that the vestry of powers, to a new description of magistrates that parish had declared their willingness to remit appointed by and receiving salaries from the their part of the penalty; that he had only referred crown? In a word, instead of a system of police, Smith's petition to the board of excise to whose cogthe present measure was considered as a system nizance it properly belonged." He confessed, that of influence: but it finally passed into a law. during the time of the last general election, Smith came to him, and made a proposition for opening his house, and declared he could detect a number of bad votes which had been given for lord John Town.hend; when he answered-" do so if you can, it will be doing a good thing." Smith found the bad votes he had promised, and at length applied to him to be paid. His answer was, " go to lord Hood's committee, they will pay you." Smith, however, again demanded payment, commenced an action, and obtained a verdict.-With regard to the other charge respecting the admission of Hoskins to bail, by sham bail; Rose protested, "he had never before that day heard of the man's name." Grey contended, that there was ample ground for inquiry, notwithstanding the right honourable gentleman's defence. Rose had declared that he only transmitted Smith's petition to the board of excise, and protested he had no otherwise interferred. On the contrary, a letter from Rose to Smith was produced, inviting him to meet Vivian the solicitor to the excise, on this business, at his own house. With respect to Hoskins, whatever the right honourable gentleman might protest, the following facts were unquestionably established :— 1. That Hoskins was under arrest for penalties incurred under the lottery act to the amount of seven hundred pounds, and that during the election he offered to bring sixty votes, provided he was suffered to escape:-2. That the solicitor to the lottery, who was also agent for lord Hood, said he must consult higher authority:-3. That Hoskins was suffered to escape by two bails being accepted, who were not worth a shilling-and 4. That lord Hood had since paid his agent's bill, in which there is this curious charge," to the expense of finding bail for the action against Hoskins, who engaged to bring up sixty votes, three pounds three shillings." Never, perhaps, were the present ministry reduced to a more perplexing dilemma than on this occasion. If, on the one hand, they granted the inquiry, it would lead to the discovery of scenes disgraceful to their reputation; and must have terminated in the conviction of Rose: and, on the other hand, to refuse an inquiry in the face of facts so completely substantiated, would amount to a tacit acknowledgment of the indefensibility of their cause. Perceiving, therefore, that the powers of eloquence would weigh little against the argument of facts, Pitt contented himself with saying, that he should oppose the inquiry" because there was no A BILL was about this period introduced into parliament for inclosing certain parts of the New Forest, under pretence of promoting the growth of timber. In the house of lords, this scheme met with unqualified censure from both parties. The lord chancellor condemned it in the strongest terms: he said, "his majesty had been imposed on in the business; and that it was a precedent deeply affecting the constitutional situation of the crown." The ministry grounded their defence on a report of the commissioners of the land revenue, who had recommended an attention to the growth of timber in the kingdom. The bill was however withdrawn, though lord Grenville intimated that something of the kind would be introduced in the succeeding session. MR. ROSE TRIED AND ACQUITTED. IN the course of the last summer a trial at bar had taken place between a publican of the name of Smith, and Rose the secretary of the treasury. The facts and circumstances ascertained by the evidence given on that trial were so daringly unconstitutional, that Thompson on the thirteenth of March brought the business regularly before the house of commons. The substance of the evidence on the trial went to charge Rose with having interfered in the Westminster election in an unwarrantable manner. It appeared that Smith had some time before been convicted in a penalty of fifty pounds, for an offence against the excise laws; and that afterwards, in consequence of services performed by Smith in the course of the election, at the request of Rose, a part of the fine was remitted to him. "There could not possibly exist a doubt about Rose having employed Smith in the election, as the jury had given a verdict in favour of the latter for the full amount of his bill." Thompson pressed the object of his motion upon the feelings of the house; and conjured them to reflect on the consequences of permitting a secretary of the treasury to employ the money of the public in supporting the election of a member of that house; and on the probable effects of suffering the people to understand that their money was corruptly expended in procuring seats for the friends of the minister; and concluded by moving for the appointment of a committee to inquire into the abuses complained of. Lambton Ff |