CHAPTER III.

Proofs of the King's Exemption from personal or political Prejudices.-His Majesty's Choice of a Con sort, the Princess Charlotte of Mecklenburgh-Embassy sent to make the Demand of her Most Serence Hghness; with an Account of her Voyage.-Her Journey to London, her Reception and Nuptials-Preparations made for the Coronation of their Majesties-Entertainment given to the Royal Family at Guildhall-Some rising Clouds in the political Hemisphere.-The Spanish Ambassa dor's Explanation not deemed satisfactory-Orders sent to the Earl of Bristol at Madrid-His Excellency's Dispatches in Reply-Warm Debates in the Cabinet on Mr. Pitt's Proposal to attack Spain without further Delay-His Resolution, with the President's Answer-His Interview with the King, on resigning the Seals of his office-Lord Temple's Resignation—Violent Conflict between the Admirers and the Censurers of Mr. Pitt's Conflict sanctioned by the Abbe Raynal-Farther Instructions sent by the new Secretary of State to the British Ambassador at Madrid--Steps taken by the Ministry-Meeting of the new Parliament-His Majesty's Speech-Message to the Queen; and the Dowry granted her in Case she should survive his Majesty-Repeal of the compelling Clause in the Insolvent Act-Alacrity of the Commons in providing for the Service of the ensuing Year-Debate on the Expediency of the German War-Severe Remarks on the Alliances entered into with some of the continental Powers-Ingenious Defence set up by the Advocates for the German War-Result of this political Controversy-Effect of the English Ambassador's Remonstrances at the Court of MadridHis Conjectures on the Causes of a sudden Revolution in the Spanish Councils-Propriety of his Conduct in so delicate a Conjuncture-A clear and categorical Explanation at length insisted uponGeneral Wall's Letter-Manifesto delivered by the Count de Fuentes, and Lord Egremont's Refutation of it.

KING'S FREEDOM FROM POLITICAL
PREJUDICES.

FTER so long continued a view of operations

A in the field and of intrigues in the cabinet, it

will be some relief to the mind to contemplate a few events of a more tranquil and domestic nature, which happened during the same period. It was very pleasing to the whole nation to see their young king ascend the throne with so little partiality or prejudice, either of a personal or political nature, that for almost twelve months no change was made in any of the great offices of state, which could excite the least clamour. Lord Henley, afterwards created Earl of Northington, who had distinguished himself at the bar by his talents and integrity, and had for some time acted as keeper of the great seal, was continued in the same important trust, but with the higher title of lord Chancellor. The Earl of Holdernesse, secretary of state for the northern department having retired from business, was succeeded by the earl of Bute, who had spent some years on terms of very friendly intercourse with ford Temple and Mr. Pitt, and all the leading Members of the opposition during the lifetime of the late prince of Wales. The earl of Halifax was removed from the board of trade to be lord lieutenant of Ireland; and some other removals or promotions from one department of administration to another took place, but not a single dismission, except that of Mr. Legge, in whose room lord Barrington was appointed chancellor of the exchequer.

KING'S CHOICE OF A CONSORT. His majesty's conduct in another affair of very great moment afforded still fuller cause of general satisfaction. This was his choice of a consort, whose endearments might sweeten the cares of royalty, and whose virtues should make his private happiness coincide with the happiness of his people. The first circumstance, it is said, that directed his attention to the princess Charlotte of Mecklenburg Strelitz, was a letter which her serene highness had written to the king of Prussia on his entering her cousin's territories, and which that monarch had sent over to George II. as a miracle of good sense and patriotism in so young a princess.

The king had privately employed some persons in whom he could confide, to ascertain the correctness of the report of her amiable qualifications; and having received the fullest satisfaction on that

head, he resolved to make a formal demand of her in marriage. On the eighth of July, he made a declaration of his sentiments at a very full meeting of the members of the privy council.

AN EMBASSY, &c,

THIS declaration was so agreeable to the council, that they unanimously requested it might be made public. Proper steps were then taken for the ac complishment of his majesty's wishes. The earl of Harcourt was fixed upon to go out as ambassador plenipotentiary, to make the demand of her serene highness; the dutchesses of Ancaster and Hamilton, and the countess of Effingham were appointed ladies of the bed-chamber to take care of her person; and the Carolina yacht, being new named the Charlotte, was got in readiness to convey her to England, under convoy of a squadron commanded by lord Anson. The fleet put to a the eighth of August; and on the fourteenth, lord Harcourt and the other lords and ladies sent on this embassy arrived at Strelitz. Next morning the ceremony of asking her highness in marriage for the king of England was performed, and the contract was signed. The ambassador and his suite were magnificently entertained; and the event was celebrated with the most splendid rejoicings. She embarked in the yacht at Cuxhaven, where she was saluted by the whole squadron destined for her convoy. After a voyage of ten days, the yacht arrived at Harwich on the sixth of September.

On the eighth of September her highness arrived at St. James's palace, and in the garden she was met by the king himself, who in a very affectionate manner raised her up by the hand, which he kissed, as she was going to pay her obeisance, and then led her up stairs into the palace, where she dined with his majesty, the princess dowager, and the rest of the royal family. In the evening the nuptial ceremony was performed by the archbishop of Canterbury in the royal chapel. The cities of London and Westminster were illuminated in honour of the auspicious event, and addresses of felicitation poured in from all parts of the British dominions.

THE CORONATION.

A PROCLAMATION had been issued in July, appointing the twenty-second of September for the king's coronation; and a similar notice was now published in the gazette, declaring it to be his maj esty's intention that the queen should be crowned

at the same time. A commission had also passed the great seal, constituting a court to decide the pretensions of such persons as laid claim to different offices and privileges upon that occasion (1). Westminster hall was prepared for the coronation banquet.

CITY FEAST TO THEIR MAJESTIES. THE city endeavoured to rival the court in the brilliancy of public shows, and in testimonies of the most affectionate regard for the young king and his amiable consort.

CONFERENCES WITH SPAIN. THESE bright effusions of national joy, to which the king's marriage and coronation had given so full a scope, were now for a little time checked and obscured by some rising clouds in the political hemisphere, of the progress and effects of which it will be necessary to give a very particular account. Pitt's views in the course of the treaty with France, and his indignant rejection of the memorial concerning Spain, have been already noticed. It was farther observed, that he then called upon the Spanish ambassador to disavow that irregular procedure. His excellency at first explained himself verbally on the subject, and was soon after authorized by his court to deliver to the English secretary a written answer.

This explanation, though written with a great show of candour and spirit, did not produce the desired effect: it neither softened Pitt's prejudices, nor did it remove his suspicions. It appeared to him, that Spain, as a kind of party, had been made acquainted with every step taken in the negotiation between France and England; that her authority was called in aid to force the acceptance of the terms offered by the former, which he considered little short of a declaration of war in reversion; in a word, that there was a perfect union of affections, interests and councils between the courts of Versailles and Madrid.

By the earl of Bristol's reply to Mr. Pitt, dated the thirty-first of August, and received the eleventh of September, it appears that the Spanish minister applauded the magnanimity of the king of Great Britain in declaring, that he would never add facilities towards accommodating differences with another sovereign, in consideration of any intimation from a power at war, or the threatenings of an enemy. Wall farther affirmed, that the assent given by his court to the king of France's offer of endeav ouring to adjust the disputes between England and Spain was totally void of any design to retard the peace, and absolutely free from the least intention of giving offence to his Britannic majesty. The catholic king, he said, did not think England would look upon the French ministers as a tribunal to which the court of London would make an appeal, nor did he mean it as such, when the statement of grievances was conveyed through that channel. His excellency assured the earl of Bristol, that the catholic king, both before and then, esteemed as well as valued the frequent professions of friendship made by the British court, and of its desire to settle all differences amicably; and asked, whether it was possible to be imagined in England, that the catholic king was seeking to provoke Great Britain in her most flourishing and exalted condition, occasioned by the greatest series of prosperities that any single nation had ever met with? But he refused to give up any of the three points in dispute, and owned that the most perfect harmony subsisted between the courts of France and Spain; that, in consequence of that harmony, the most Christian king had offer ed to assist his catholic majesty, in case the discus sions between Great Britain and Spain should terminate in a rupture; and that this offer was considered in friendly light.

DEBATES IN THE CABINET ON MR. PITT'S
PROPOSAL OF WAR WITH SPAIN.

ON receiving these despatches, Pitt was of opinion, that the intentions of Spain were by no means equivocal, and that her only motive for delaying a more open avowal of her hostile designs was in order to strike the blow at her own time and with the greater effect. He accordingly declared in council, that we ought to consider the evasions of that court as a refusal of satisfaction, and that refusal as a declaration of war; that we ought from prudence as well as spirit to secure to ourselves the first blow; that no new armament would be necessary; that, if any war could provide its own resources, it must be a war with Spain; that her flota, or American was not yet arrived; and that the taking of it would at once strengthen our hands and disable hers. Such a spirited measure, he added, would be a lesson to his catholic majesty, and to all Europe, how dangerous it was to presume to dictate in the affairs of Great Britain. After the fullest discussion of the subject at three different meetings of the cabinet ministers, Pitt was unable to bring over any of them to his way of thinking except lord Temple, his brother-in-law. The proposal was looked upon by all the other members as equally precipitate and base,-as equally repugnant to the dictates of sound policy, and to the laws of honour and justice. They owned that Spain had concurred in a very extraordinary step; yet it was not impossible but some farther remonstrances might per suade that court to recal a proposition, into which it had been, perhaps, unwarily seduced by the artifices of France. They also admitted, that we ought not to be frightened from asserting our reasonable demands, by the menaces of any power; but they affirmed, at the same time, that this desire of adding war to war, and enemy to enemy, whilst the springs of government were already very much strained, was ill suited to our national strength; that to shun war upon a just occasion was cowardice, but to provoke or court it madness; and that to hasten a rup ture with Spain in particular, if it could be by any means avoided, was giving a wanton blow to the commercial interest of both countries. Besides, said they, if we plunge into such measures, in the manner proposed, and upon no better grounds, we shall alarm all Europe; nor can we derive any advantage from this violent conduct, which will not be more than counter-balanced by the Jealousy and terror it must excite in every nation round us. Be fore we draw the sword, let the world be convinced

In the mean time, orders had been sent to the carl of Bristol, the British ambassador at Madrid, to remonstrate with energy and firmness on the unexampled and offensive irregularity of the late proceeding, and to demand an eclaircissement of the actual measures and designs of that court; to adhere to the negative put upon the Spanish pretensions to fish upon the banks of Newfoundland; to rest on the justice of the English tribunals the claim concerning the restitution of prizes made against the flag of Spain, or supposed to have been taken in violation of the territory of that kingdom: to continue the former professions of the court of Lon-plate-fleet, on which she had great dependence, don, indicating a desire of an amicable adjustment of the logwood dispute, and the willingness of his Britannic majesty to cause the settlements on the coast of Honduras to be evacuated, as soon as his catholic majesty, should suggest another method by which British subjects could enjoy that traffic, to which they had a right by treaty, and which the court of Madrid had farther confirmed to them by repeated promises. The secretary's letter, which conveyed these orders to the earl of Bristol, concluded thus: "Although in the course of this instruction to your excellency, I could not, with such an insolent memorial before me, but proceed on the supposition, that, insidious as that court is, she could not dare to commit in such a manner the name of his catholic majesty, without being authorized thereto; I must not, however, conceal from your excellency, that it is thought possible here, that the court of France, though not wholly unauthorized, may, with her usual artifice in negotiation, have put much exaggeration into this matter; and in case, upon entering into remonstrances on this affair, you shall perceive a disposition in Mr. Wall [the Spanish secretary of state] to explain away and disavow the authorization of Spain to this offensive transaction of France, and to come to categorical and satisfactory declarations relatively to the final intentions of Spain, your excellency will, with readiness and your usual address, adapt yourself to so desirable a circumstance, and will open to the court of Madrid as handsome a retreat as may be, in case you perceive from the Spanish minister, that they sincerely wish to find one, and to remove, by an effectual satisfaction, the unfavourable impressions which this memorial of the court of France has justly and unavoidably made n the mind of his majesty."

of the privy seal, upon the resignation of lord Temple.

ON MR. PITT'S CONDUCT.

of the perfidious designs of those whom we attack: let us not endeavour to surpass them in treachery; and let not the lion debase himself to act the part of a fox. As to the seizure of the flota, added they, the thing itself may be impracticable: perhaps that fleet is now safe in harbour; which conjecture proved to have been well founded, as the flota had entered Cadiz almost on the very day that Pitt had urged the expediency of intercepting it. But were we even sure of success, would not such a step be regarded as an arbitrary act of piracy,-as an unwarrantable invasion of the property of others, without expostulation or warning? If Spain, blind to her true interests, and misled by French counsels, should enter more decisively into the views of that hostile court, it will be then the true time to declare war, when all the neighbouring and impartial powers are convinced that we act with as much temper as resolution, and when every think-sels, and combination of abilities, which were of the ing man in the kingdom must be satisfied, that he is not hurried into the hazards and expenses of war, from an idea of chimerical heroism, but from inevitable necessity, and must therefore cheerfully contribute to the support of an administration, which, however firm, and confident of the resources of the state, yet dreads to waste them wantonly, or to employ them unjustly.

Pitt, unaccustomed to such vigorous opposition, and probably stung, though not convinced by the arguments of the majority, gave full scope to his pride, and declared, that this was the moment for humbling the whole house of Bourbon: that if so glorious an opportunity were let slip, it might never be recovered; and if he could not prevail in the present instance, he was resolved this should be the last time of his sitting in that council. "I was called to the administration of public affairs," said he, "by the voice of the people to them I have always considered myself as accountable for my conduct; and therefore cannot remain in a situation which makes me responsible for measures I ain no longer allowed to guide." To this declaration lord Granville, the president of the council, very coolly replied: "The gentleman, I find, is determined to leave us, and I cannot say I am sorry for it, as he would otherwise have certainly compelled us to leave him; for, if he is determined to assume solely the right of advising his majesty, and directing the operations of the war, to what purpose are we here assembled? He may possibly have convinced himself of his infallibility: still it remains, that we should be equally convinced, before we can resign our understandings to his direction, or join with him in the measure he proposes."

PITT'S RESIGNATION AND INTERVIEW

WITH THE KING.

IT cannot be a matter of surprise, that the resig. nation of so popular a minister as Pitt should have spread a momentary alarm, and excited the most violent conflict between the admirers and the censurers of his conduct. The splendour of his talents, and the general success of his measures, afforded the former ample subjects of encomium; while the latter found equal room for censure in the inconsistency of his opinions respecting the war on the continent, in his frequent misapplication of the national strength, but particularly in the overbearing haughtiness of his temper, which had obstructed the work of peace, had multiplied enemies abroad, and destroyed at home that happy union of counhighest importance at so dangerous a crisis. The only remark, which can be fairly made on Pitt's avowed motive for resigning, "because he would no longer be responsible for the measures he did not guide," is, that he showed himself more strongly attached to his own personal glory than to the interests of his country. This opinion of the moderate part of the nation at that time, has eince received the sanction of the abbé Raynal, one of the most enlightened and impartial of modern his. torians.

INSTRUCTIONS TO AMBASSADOR AT

MADRID.

THOUGH the majority of the council had opposed the late secretary's proposal for an immediate attack upon Spain, they were far from being perfectly satisfied with the answers of that court, or with its professions of amicable intention towards Great Britain. The French agents at foreign courts had also been very busy in circulating reports of the family compact between the different branches of the house of Bourbon, in expectation, no doubt, of frightening the new ministry of George III. after Pitt's secession, into a treaty of peace on their own terms. But they were unacquainted with the characters of the men whom they hoped to intimidate. The earl of Egremont, who had succeeded to the of fice of secretary for the southern department, wrote to the British ambassador at Madrid, to desire him to make use of the most pressing instances to obtain an explicit account of that secret, though so much vaunted convention between France and Spain, as absolutely necessary before any farther negotiation could be entered into on the former points of dispute. "And in order," says he, "to prevent any perverse impressions, which Mr. Pitt's retiring from public business might occasion, it is proper that I should assure your excellency, that the measures of government will suffer no relaxa. tion on that account; the spirit of the war will not subside with him and the example of the spirit of the late measures will be a spur to his majesty's servants to persevere, and to stretch every nerve of this country, in foreing the enemy to come into a safe, honourable, and, above all, a lasting peace,

IN conformity to the resolution then taken by Pitt and lord Temple, they both resigned their employments. When Pitt carried the seals to the king, his majesty received them with ease and firmness: he expressed his regret for the loss of so able a servant; but he did not solicit him to resume his of fice he candidly declared, that he was not only satisfied with the opinion of the majority of his council, but that he would have found himself under STEPS TAKEN BY THE MINISTRY. the greatest difficulty how to have acted, had that council concurred as fully in supporting the measTHE British ministry soon convinced their coun ure proposed by Pitt, as they had done in rejecting trymen and all Europe, that the spirit of the nation. it. In order, at the same time, to show his high and the wisdom of its councils were not confined to opinion of Pitt's merit, his majesty made him a a single man. They prepared for a rupture, in most gracious offer of any rewards in the power of case it could not be honourably avoided, with the the crown to bestow. Pitt was sensibly touched utmost vigour and judgment. A squadron of men with the candour, the dignity, and condescension of of war, having under convoy a number of transports this proceeding. "I confess, sir," said he, "I had with four battalions from Belleisle, sailed from Eng. but too much reason to expect your majesty's dis- land, the latter end of October, and was to be pleasure. I did not come prepared for this ex-joined in the West Indies by such an accession of ceeding goodness. Pardon me, sir,-it overpowers -it oppresses me."-He burst into tears. clined the distinction of nobility for himself, but accepted of other marks of royal favour. His majesty was graciously pleased to direct, that a warrant be prepared for granting to the lady Hester Pitt, his wife, a barony of Great Britain, by the name, style, and title of baroness of Chatham to herself, and of baron of Chatham to her beirs male; and also to confer upon the said William Pitt, esq. an annuity of three thousand pounds sterling, dur ing his own life, and that of lady Hester Pitt, and their son John Pitt, esq. The duke of Bedford, the late lord lieutenant of Ireland, was appointed keeper

He de

naval and military forces as would render the whole armament the most formidable that had been ever before seen in that part of the world. The immediate object of this expedition was the conquest of Martinico, and of the remaining French islands; after which a part of the armament was to cooperate with another fleet from England in an attack on the Havanna, as soon as the refusal of proper satisfaction should render the commencement of hostilities justifiable. A third enterprise, to be directed against the Philippine islands, those great connecting links of the Spanish commerce in Asia and America, was also resolved upon, in conformity to a plan of operations presented by col

and for the support of an ally, from whom no mutual service can be expected. If a third part of the money thus squandered away on the continent had been employed in giving additional vigour to the naval armaments of Great Britain, France, by this time, would not have one settlement left in the West-Indies, all the profits of her external commerce must have ceased; and she must have been absolutely obliged to accept such terms of peace as England should think proper to prescribe."

a blow to her naval power as she may never, per.
haps, be able to recover? And has she made any
progress in Germany to counterbalance her disap
pointments elsewhere? Far from it. At this instant
she is less advanced than she was the first year
she entered that country, after having spent im-
mense sums of money, and lost by the sword, by
disease, and desertion, at least one hundred thou
sand of her people. Even on the continent, where
our enemies have made the most desperate push,
have they not been frequently defeated?
Hanover been recovered and protected? Has not
the king of Prussia been preserved, so long at least,
from the rage of his enemies? And have not the
liberties of Germany in general been hitherto se-
cured? Had we lain by, and tamely beheld that
vast empire in part possessed, and the rest com-

Has not

would soon have been brought to an end; and France, strengthened by victory, conquest, and alliance, would have the whole force and the whole revenue of her monarchy to act against us alone." They argued farther, "that if the support of the protestant religion be any part of our care, that religion must suffer eminently by the ruin of the king of Prussia; for though the writings attributed to his Prussian majesty be such as, if really his, reflect, on account of their impiety, great disgrace on his character as a man; yet as a king, in his public and political capacity, he is the natural protector of the protestant religion in Germany; and it will always be his interest to defend it."

ON CONTINENTAL ALLIANCES. AFTER having thus commented upon the infatuation of Great Britain in renouncing the advantages of her naval superiority, and in leaving her enemies the choice of a field where defeat could do them little harm, and where she herself must be exhausted, even by a succession of her own vic-pelled to receive laws from France, the war there tories, the patriotic speakers made some very severe remarks on the particular engagements we had entered into with some of the continental powers. "We had," as they asserted, "officiously meddled with the internal broils of the empire, and taken a part in disputes which would have been much better adjusted without our interference. We had not only sent off from more useful service, the flower of our armies to defend the territories of some petty German princes, but we contracted enormous debts to pay those princes for assisting us in guarding their rights, and in fighting their battles. Was such an absurdity in politics," they asked, " ever before heard of? Is England to be the knight errant of Europe, and to neglect her own immediate concerns and her solid interest in the pursuit of foreign phantoms? Are we to waste all our resources upon Hanoverians, Hessians, Brunswickers ;-allies, who, if they merit that name, serve only to protract the feeble efforts of a system, in which nothing could so effectually contribute to our safety as an early and total defeat? But even these connections," they said, " though burdensome and unavailing, did not half so much expose the ignorance of our negotiators, as the treaty made with the king of Prussia, to whom we annually paid a sum exceeding the whole amount of the subsidies granted in queen Anne's war to all her German allies put together; and who was so far from being able to afford any relief to our armies, that he was scarcely in a condition to support himself. look upon him, it is true, as the protector of the protestant religion: but how lightly he thinks of all religion, his writings testify; and what mischiefs he has done the protestant cause in particular, this war will be a lasting memorial. He invaded and cruelly oppressed Saxony, a protestant country, where he found the people secured from any molestation on account of their religious opinions. Even among the Roman catholics, persecution had lost much of its edge, when he revived its memory; and, by forcing the popish powers into a strict union, brought more calamities upon the divided protest ants than they had ever experienced during the utmost rancour of a holy war.

We

Those, however, who embraced the opposite side of the question, made a very ingenious defence. They ridiculed the idea of going back half a century to the reign of king William or queen Anne, to examine the principles of a continental war, or to compare the policy and resources of the two contending nations. "The present time," said they, "is the only just criterion by which we can judge; and here we have manifestly the advantage. The success which our arms, alone and unassisted, have had in this contest with France, is a sufficient proof that we are an overmatch for all her power."

In answer to what had been urged against the folly of waging war on the continent, they ascribed to this very scheme the happy issue of all our other operations. The attention of our rival was thereby distracted between the different enterprises at sea and land: eagerly grasping at two grand objects, she had missed both; and the only fruits of her mighty exertions were the ruin of her trade, the destruction of her marine, the loss of her colonies, and the impending terrors of a national bankruptcy. "Was it not," they added, "by involving France in the German war, that we diverted her from the vigorous defence of her distant possessions, and that we have become masters of some of the most considerable of them? Was it not in conse quence of her embarking so heartily in that war, that she afforded us an opportunity of giving such

Whatever might have been the sentiments of the new ministry respecting the original policy of the German war, they saw very well that it could not now be honourably or consistently relinquished. The faith of parliament was also pledged to assist the allies; and the best judges were of opinion, that vigorous efforts for one campaign more would terminate the contest, and bring the French to reasonable terms. The opposition therefore to continental measures, however well supported by argument, was over-ruled by numbers, and expired in the warmth of debate. Yet it was not wholly unproductive of good effects. It showed government very clearly what the sense of the nation was on the subject; and it prevented the renewal of the annual convention with the king of Prussia, though assurances were at the same time given him of pecuniary aid, as before.

THE FAMILY COMPACT AVOWED. THE parliament adjourned to the nineteenth of January. During that recess the public attention was roused to an incident of national importance. Before the earl of Egremont's despatches concerning the family compact could reach Madrid, the English ambassador there had himself received intelligence of the treaty, and of the hopes which the French made no secret of deriving from it. He therefore thought it his duty to desire some satisfaction on that head from Wall, the Spanish secretary of state. But though he expressed his uneasiness in consequence of such rumours with equal force and delicacy, Wall, evading a direct reply to the main point of inquiry, entered into a long and bitter complaint, not only of the treatment which Spain had received from the British court, but of the haughtiness of its late proceedings with France. "He told me," says the earl of Bristol in his letter of the second of November, "we were intoxicated with all our successes, and a continued series of victories had elated us so far, as to induce us to contemn the reasonable concessions France had consented to make; but that it was evident, by this refusal, all we aimed at was, first to ruin the French power, in order more easily to crush Spain, to drive all the subjects of the christian king not only from their island colonies in the new world, but also to destroy their several forts and settlements upon the continent of North America, to have an easier task in seizing upon all the Spanish dominions in those parts, thereby to satisfy the utmost of our ambition, and to gratify our unbounded thirst of conquest." Wall added, with uncommon warmth, "that he would himself be the man to advise the king of Spain, since his dominions were to be overwhelmed, at least to have them seized with arms in his subjects hands, and not to continue the passive vic tim he had hitherto appeared to be in the eyes of the world."

Such a sudden change of sentiments and dis

D