on his approach the Americans had left the town without making any resistance. Charity would lead us to suppose that these devastations were designed to answer military purposes. Their authors might have hoped to divert the attention of general Gates, and thus indirectly relieve general Burgoyne; but if this was intended, the artifice did not take effect. The preservation of property was with the Americans only a secondary object. The capturing of Burgoyne promised such important consequences, that they would not suffer any other consideration to interfere with it. General Gates did not make a single movement that lessened the probability of effecting his grand purpose. He wrote an expostulatory letter to Vaughan, part of which was in the following terms: "Is it thus your king's generals think to make converts to the royal cause? It is no less surprising than true, that the measures they adopt to serve their master, have a quite contrary effect. Their cruelty establishes the glorious act of independence upon the broad basis of the resentment of the people." Whether policy or revenge led to this devastation of property is uncertain; but it cannot admit of a doubt that it was far from being the most effectual method of reliev. ing Burgoyne.

The passage of the North River was made so practicable by these advantages, that Sir Henry Clinton, with his whole force, amounting to three thousand men, might not only have reached Albany, but general Gates's encampment, before the twelfth, the day till which Burgoyne had agreed to wait for aid from New York. While the British were doing mischief to individuals without serving the cause of their royal master, they might in all probability, by pushing forward about one hundred and thirty-six miles in six days, have brought Gates's army between two fires, at least twentyfour hours before Burgoyne's necessity compelled his submission to articles of capitulation. Why they neglected this opportunity of relieving their suffering brethren, about thirty-six miles to the northward of Albany, when they were only about one hundred miles below it, has never yet been satisfactorily explained.

SURRENDER OF GENERAL BURGOYNE. GATES posted fourteen hundred men on the heights opposite the fords of Saratoga, and two thousand more in the rear, to prevent a retreat to Fort Edward, and fifteen hundred at a ford higher up. Burgoyne, receiving intelligence of these movements, concluded from them, especially from the last, that Gates meant to turn his right. This, if effected, would have entirely enclosed him to avoid being hemmed in, he resolved on an immediate retreat to Saratoga. His hospital, with the sick and wounded, were necessarily left behind; but they were recommended to the humanity of general Gates, and received from him every indulgence their situation required. When general Burgoyne arrived at Saratoga, he found that the Americans had posted a considerable force on the opposite heights to impede his passage at that ford. In order to prepare the way for a retreat to Lake George, general Burgoyne ordered a detachment of artificers, with a strong escort of British and provincials, to repair the bridges and open the road leading thither. Part of the escort was withdrawn on other duty, and the remainder, on a slight at tack of an inconsiderable party of Americans, ran away. The workmen, thus left without support, were unable to effect the business on which they had been sent. The only practicable route of retreat which now remained, was by a night march to Fort Edward. Before this attempt could be made, scouts returned with intelligence, that the Americans were entrenched opposite to those fords on the Hudson's River, over which it was proposed to pass, and that they were also in force on the high ground between Fort Edward and Fort George; they had at the same time parties down the whole shore, and posts, so near as to observe every motion of the royal army. Their position extended nearly round the British, and was by the nature of the ground in a great measure secured from attacks. The royal army could not stand its ground where it was, from the want of the means necessary for their subsistence; nor could it advance towards Albany without attacking a force greatly superior in number; nor could it retreat without making good its way over a river in the face of a

strong party, advantageously posted on the opposite side. In case of either attempt, the Americans were so near as to discover every movement, and by means of their bridge could bring their whole force to operate.

Truly distressing was the condition of the royal army. Abandoned in the most critical moment by their Indian allies, unsupported by their brethren in New-York, weakened by the timidity and desertion of the Canadians, worn down by a series of incessant efforts, and greatly reduced in their numbers by repeated battles, they were invested by an army nearly three times their number, without a possibility of retreat, or of replenishing their exhausted stock of provisions. A continual cannonade pervaded their camp, and rifle and grape shot fell in many parts of their lines; they nevertheless retained a great share of fortitude.

In the mean time the American army was hourly increasing. Volunteers came in from all quarters, eager to share in the glory of destroying or capturing those whom they considered as their most dangerous enemies. The thirteenth of October at length arrived: the day was spent in anxious expectation of its producing something of consequence. But as no prospect of assistance appeared, and their provisions were nearly expended, the hope of receiving any in due time for their relief could not reasonably be farther indulged. General Burgoyne thought proper in the evening to take an account of the provisions left. It was found on inquiry, that they would amount to no more than a scanty subsistence for three days. In this state of distress, a council of war was called, and it was made so general, as to comprehend both the field officers and the captains. Their unanimous opinion was, that their present situation justified a capitulation on honourable terms. A messenger was therefore despatched to begin this business. General Gates in the first instance demanded, that the royal army should surrender prisoners of war. He also proposed that the British should ground their arms. But general Burgoyne replied, "This article is inadmissible in every extremity; sooner than this army will consent to ground their arms in their encampment, they will rush on the enemy, determined to take no quarter." After various messages a convention was settled, by which it was substantially stipulated as follows: "The troops under general Burgoyne to march out of their camp with the honours of war, and the artillery of the entrenchments to the verge of the river, where the arms and artillery are to be left. The arms to be piled by word of command from their own officers. A free passage to be granted to the army under lieutenantgeneral Burgoyne to Great Britain, upon condition of not serving again in North America during the present contest, and the port of Boston to be assigned for the entry of the transports to receive the troops whenever general Howe shall so order. The army under lieutenant-general Burgoyne to march to Massachuset's Bay, by the easiest route, and to be quartered in, near, or as convenient as possible, to Boston. The troops to be provided with provision by general Gates's orders, at the same rate of rations as the troops of his own army. All officers to retain their carriages, bat-horses, and no baggage to be molested or searched. The officers are not, as far as circumstances will admit, to be separated from their men. The officers to be quartered ac cording to their rank. All corps whatever of lieutenant-general Burgoyne's army to be included in the above articles. All Canadians, and persons belonging to the Canadian establishment, and other followers of the army, to be permitted to return to Canada, to be conducted to the first British post on Lake George, and to be supplied with provisions as the other troops, and to be bound by the same condition of not serving during the present contest. Passports to be granted to three officers, to carry despatches to Sir William Howe, Sir Guy Carleton, and to Great Britain. The officers to be admitted on their parole, and to be permitted to wear their side-arms." Such were the embarrassments of the royal army, incapable of subsisting where it was, or of making its way to a better situation, that these terms were rather more favourable than they had a right to expect. On the other hand, it would not have been prudent for the American general at the head of his army, which, though numerous, consisted mostly of militia or new levies, to have provoked the despair of even an inferior number of brave,

disciplined, regular troops. General Gates rightly judged that the best way to secure his advantages was to use them with moderation. Soon after the convention was signed, the Americans marched into their lines, and were kept there till the royal army had deposited their arms at the place appointed. The delicacy with which this business was conducted, reflected the highest honour on the American general; nor did the politeness of Gates end here: every circumstance was withheld that could constitute a triumph in the American army. The captive general was received by his conqueror with respect and kindness. A number of the principal officers of both armies met at general Gates's quarters, and for a while seemed to forget in social and convivial pleasures that they had been enemies. The conduct of general Burgoyne in this interview with general Gates was truly dignified, and the historian is at a loss whether to admire most, the magnanimity of the victorious, or the fortitude of the vanquished general.

The British troops partook liberally of the plenty that reigned in the American army. It was the more acceptable to them, as they were destitute of bread and flour, and had only as much meat left as was sufficient for a day's subsistence.

By the convention which has been mentioned, five thousand seven hundred and ninety men were surrendered prisoners. The sick and wounded left in camp, when the British retreated to Saratoga, together with the numbers of the British, German, and Canadian troops, who were killed, wounded, or taken, and who had deserted in the preceding part of the expedition, were reckoned to be four thousand six hundred and eighty-nine. The whole royal force, exclusive of Indians, was probably about ten thousand. The stores which the Americans acquired were considerable. The captured artillery consisted of thirty-five brass field-pieces; there were also four thousand six hundred and forty-seven muskets, and a variety of other useful and much wanted articles, which fell into their hands. The continentals in general Gates's army were nine thousand and ninety-three, the militia four thousand one hundred and twenty-nine, but of the former two thousand one hundred and three were sick or on furlough, and five hundred and sixty-two of the latter were in the same situation. The number of the militia was constantly fluctuating.

In a short time after the convention was signed, general Gates moved forward to stop the devastations of the British on the North River; but on hearing of the fate of Burgoyne, Vaughan and Wallace retired to New-York.

About the same time the British, which had been left in the rear of the royal army, destroyed their cannon, and abandoning Ticonderoga, retreated to Canada. The whole country, after experiencing for several months the confusions of war, was in a moment restored to perfect tranquillity.

CONCLUSION OF THE CAMPAIGN. GENERAL Washington soon after the defeat of Burgoyne received a considerable reinforcement from the northern army, which had accomplished that great event. With this increased force he took a position at and near Whitemarsh. The royal army having succeeded in removing the obstructions in the river Delaware, were ready for new enterprises. On the fourth of December, Sir William Howe marched out of Philadelphia with almost his whole force, expecting to bring on a general engagement. The next morning he appeared on Chesnut Hill, in front of, and about three miles distant from the right wing of the Americans. On the day following the British changed their ground, and moved to the right. Two days after they moved still farther to the right, and made every appear ance of an intention to attack the American encampment. Some skirmishes took place, and a general action was hourly expected; but on the morning of the next day, after various marches and countermarches, the British filed off from their right, by two or three different routes, in full march for Philadelphia.

The position of general Washington, in a military point of view, was admirable: he was so sensible of the advantage of it, that the manœuvres of Sir William Howe for some days, could not allure him from it. In consequence of the reinforcement lately received, he had not in any preceding period of the campaign been in an equal condition for a gen

eral engagement. Though he ardently wished to be attacked, yet he would not relinquish a position from which he hoped for reparation for the adversities of the campaign. Thus ended the campaigu of 1777. Though Sir William Howe's army had been crowned with the most brilliant success, having gained two considerable victories, and been equally triumphant in many smaller actions, yet the whole amount of this tide of good fortune was no more than a good winter lodging for his troops in Philadelphia, whilst the men under his command possessed no more of the adjacent country than what they immediately commanded with their arms. The congress, it is true, was compelled to leave the first seat of their deliberations, and the greatest city in the United States changed a number of its whig inhabitants for a numerous royal army; but it is as true that the minds of the Americans were, if possible, more hostile to the claims of Great Britain than ever, and their army had gained as much by discipline and experience, as compensated for its diminution by defeats.

The events of this campaign were adverse to the sanguine hopes which had been entertained of a speedy conquest of the revolted colonies. Repeated proofs had been given, that, though general Washington was very forward to engage when he thought it to his advantage, yet it was impossible for the royal commander to bring him to action against his consent. By this mode of conducting the defence of the new-formed states, two campaigns bad been wasted away, and the work whi h was origi nally allotted for one, was still unfinished.

AMERICAN SUCCESSES AT SEA.

IT has already been mentioned, that congress, in the latter end of November 1775, authorised the capture of vessels laden with stores or reinforcements for their enemies. On the twenty-third of March 1776, they extended this permission so far as to authorise their inhabitants to fit out armed vessels to cruize on the enemies of the United Colonies. The Americans henceforth devoted themselves to privateering, and were very suc cessful. In the course of the year they made many valuable captures, particularly of homewardbound West-India-men. They found no difficulty in selling their prizes; the ports of France were open to them, both in Europe and in the West Indies. In the latter they were sold without any disguise, but in the former a greater regard was paid to appearances. Open sales were not permitted in the harbours of France at particular times, but even then they were made at the entrance or offing.

In the French West India islands the inhabitants not only purchased prizes, brought in by American cruizers, but fitted out privateers under American colours and commissions, and made captures of British vessels. The American privateers also found countenance in some of the ports of Spain, but not so readily nor so universally as in those of France. The British took many of the American vessels, but they were often of inferior value. Such of them as were laden with provisions, proved a seasonable relief to the West India islands, which otherwise would have suffered from the want of those sup plies, which before the war had been usually procured from the neighbouring continent.

The American privateers in the year 1777, increased in numbers and boldness. They insulted the coasts of Great Britain and Ireland in a manuer that had never before been attempted. The General Mifflin privateer, after making repeated captures, arrived at Brest, and saluted the French admiral. This was returned in form as to the vessel of an independent power. Lord Stormont, the British ambassador at the court of Versailles, irritated at the countenance given to the Americans, threatened to return immediately to London, unless satisfaction was given, and different measures were adopted by France. An order was issued in consequence of his application, requiring all American vessels to leave the ports of his most Christian majesty: but though the order was positive, so many evasions were practised, and the execution of it was so relaxed, that it produced no permanent discouragement of the beneficial intercourse.

Immediately after the surrender of the troops commanded by lieutenant-general Burgoyne, they were marched to the vicinity of Boston. On their arrival they were quartered in the barracks on Winter and Prospect Hills. The general court of

Massachusets passed proper resolutions for procur ing suitable accommodations for the prisoners; but from the general unwillingness of the people to oblige them, and from the feebleness of that authority which the republican rulers had at that time over the property of their fellow-citizens, it was impossible to provide immediately for so large a number of officers and soldiers, in such a manner as their convenience required, or as from the articles of convention they might reasonably expect. The officers remonstrated to general Burgoyne, that six or seven of them were crowded together in one room, without any regard to their respective ranks, in violation of the seventh article of the convention. General Burgoyne, on the fourteenth of November, forwarded this account to general Gates, and added, "The public faith is broken." This letter being laid before congress gave an alarm. It corroborated an apprehension previously entertained, that the captured troops on their embarkation would make a junction with the British garrisons in America. The declaration of the general, that "the public faith was broken," while in the power of congress, was considered by them as destroying the security which they before had in his personal honour; for in every event he might adduce his previous notice to justify his future conduct. They therefore resolved, "That the embarkation of lieutenant-general Burgoyne, and the troops under his command, be postponed, till a distinct and explicit ratification of the convention of Saratoga be properly notified by the court of Great Britain to congress." General Burgoyne explained the intention and con struction of the passage alluded to in his letter, and pledged himself, that his officers would join with him in signing any instrument that might be thought

necessary for confirming the convention; but congress would not recede from their resolution. They alleged, that it had been often asserted by their adversaries, that "faith was not to be kept with rebels," and that therefore they would be deficient in attention to the interests of their constituents if they did not require an authentic ratification of the convention by national authority before they parted with the captured troops. They urged farther, that by the law of nations, a compact broken in one article was no longer binding in any other. They made a distinction between the suspension and abrogation of the convention, and alleged that ground to suspect an intention to violate it, was a justifying reason for suspending its execution on their part till it was properly ratified. The desired ratification, if Great Britain was seriously disposed to that measure, might have been obtained in a few months, and congress uniformly declared themselves willing to carry it into full effect, as soon as they were secured of its observance by proper authority on the other side.

About eight months after, certain royal commissioners made a requisition respecting these troops; offered to ratify the convention, and required permission for their embarkation. On inquiry it was found that they had no authority to do any thing in the matter which would be obligatory on Great Britain. Congress therefore resolved, "That no ratification of the convention, which may be tendered in consequence of powers which only reach that case by construction and implication, or which may subject whatever is transacted relative to it, to the future approbation or disapprobation of the parliament of Great Britain, can be accepted by congress."

of

TH

MEETING OF PARLIAMENT.

HE first successes of general Burgoyne elevated the hopes of the tory party in England to the highest pitch of extravagance; and it has been supposed that the meeting of parliament was delayed to an unusual period in order to afford his majesty an opportunity of congratulating the British senate on the glorious event of the northern expedition. The defeat of the German auxiliaries, which arrived in England previous to the commencement of the session, did not serve entirely to remove the confident hopes of success which this infatuated administration still entertained. In the speech from the throne to both houses on the twen tieth of November, his majesty mentioned, "that repeated assurances from foreign powers of their pacific disposition had been received; but that while the armaments in the ports of France and Spain continued, his majesty had thought it advisable to make a considerable augmentation to his naval force, as well to keep the kingdom in a respectable state of security, as to provide an adequate protection to the extensive commerce of his subjects: the commons were informed, that the various services which had been mentioned, would unavoidably require large supplies; and a profession was made, that nothing could relieve his majesty's mind from the concern which it felt for the heavy charge they must bring upon the people, but a conviction of their being necessary for the welfare and essential interests of these kingdoms. The speech concluded, with a resolution of steadily pursuing the measures in which they were engaged for the re-establishment of that constitutional subordination, which his majesty was determined to maintain through the several parts of his dominions, accompanied with a profession of being watchful for an opportunity of putting a stop to the effusion of the blood of his subjects; and a renewal or con tinuance of the former hope, that the deluded and unhappy multitude would return to their allegiance, upon a recollection of the blessings of their government, and a comparison with the miseries of their present situation."

In answer to this speech, addresses were moved, as usual, full of panegyrics on the speech, and the profound wisdom of the ministry.

The conduct of France, during the whole of this year, had been so unequivocal, that an impartial reader can scarcely help admiring the effrontery with which ministry had hitherto insisted, and still continued to insist, that her intentions were really pacific. She was not indeed yet arrived at that state of preparation, which would have enabled her to commence hostilities immediately. She occasionally relaxed in certain articles, where the British ministry found themselves obliged to press with more than usual vigour. Thus, when Cunningham, a bold American adventurer, had taken,

and carried into Dunkirk, with a privateer fitted out from that port, the English packet from Holland, and sent the mail to the American ministers at Paris, it then became necessary, to save appearances, to imprison Cunningham and his crew. To prevent this from giving any offence to the Americans, however, his imprisonment was represented as occasioned by some informality in his commission, which brought him very near, if not within the verge of piracy. Even this was very soon passed over. The American adventurer and his crew were released from their mock confinement, and he was permitted to purchase a much stronger vessel and a better sailer than before, avowedly to infest the British commerce as usual. At another time, when the French Newfoundland fishery would have been totally intercepted and destroyed in case of an immediate rupture, and the capture of their seamen would have been more ruinous and irreparable than the loss even of the ships and cargoes, lord Stormont obtained an order from the French ministers, that all the American privateers, with their prizes, should immediately depart the kingdom. Expedients, however, were practised on this occasion with such success, that the order was not obeyed in any one instance, though it effectually answered the end held in view by the French court, viz. that of protracting time, by opening a subject of tedious and indecisive controversy, until their ships were safe in port. With regard to the Americans, they had the fullest assurance from M. de Sartine, the French minister, that the king would protect his subjects in trading with them; and for this purpose, a public instrument was sent to the several chambers of commerce, assuring them of what we have just now related.

DEBATES ON THE ADDRESS. UNDER these circumstances, the marquis of Granby, after stating and lamenting, in a pathetic manner, the ruinous effects of the war, declared himself filled with the most ardent desire for grasping at the present moment of time, and of having the happiness even to lay the ground-work of an accommodation. He therefore moved an amendment to the address, the substance of which was, "to request of his majesty to adopt some measures for accommodating the differences with America; and recommending a cessation of all hostilities, as necessary for the effectuating so desirable a purpose; with an assurance, that the commons were determined to co-operate with him in every measure that could contribute to the re-establishment of peace, and the drawing such lines as should af ford sufficient security to the terms of pacification."

This motion was seconded with additional arguments by lord John Cavendish, and supported by the opposition in general, on nearly the following grounds. After three years' war, the expenditure of fifteen millions of money, and the loss of many

brave troops, we had no more prospect of bettering our affairs than when we began. Notwithstanding the hopes of success yearly held out in the speech, our progress exhibited an uninterrupted series of mortifying disappointments and humiliating losses. The state of interest, of the stocks, and of real estates, as well as the gazettes, too plainly showed the degree in which our trade had been affected; while the defenceless state of our coasts, and trade fleets, demonstrated that if we were at present incompetent for the protection of national commerce, we should be greatly more so when involved in a war with the house of Bourbon, an event which gentlemen in opposition regarded as fast approaching: and this was the time to extricate ourselves from our difficulties by a reversal of that ruinous and absurd system of coercion which irritated the Americans, strengthened the hands of our enemies, and brought no advantage to ourselves. The debate on the address in the upper house was rendered peculiarly interesting by the presence of lord Chatham, who himself moved an amendment, "To recommend an immediate cessation of hostilities, and the commencement of a treaty to restore peace and liberty to America, strength and happiness to England, security and permanent prosperity to both countries. This, my lords, is yet in our power, and let not the wisdom and justice of your lordships neglect the happy and perhaps the only opportunity."

His lordship was ably supported by the other lords in opposition. The ministry strongly defended not only the policy but the justice of employing the Indians. If the women and children of the Americans were destroyed by these savages, they only were to blame, who, by their rebellion, had brought upon themselves these calamities. In the course of the debate, lord Suffolk had the effrontery to assert, that the measure was also allowable on principle, for that it was perfectly justifiable to use all the means that God and nature had put into our hands.

The whole of these arguments, and particularly the last, excited at once the stern indignation of lord Chatham: he suddenly rose, and gave full vent to his feelings: "To send forth the merciless cannibal thirsting for blood!-against whom?-Your protestant brethren !-to lay waste their country, to desolate their dwellings, and extirpate their race and name by the aid and instrumentality of these hell-hounds of war! Spain can no longer boast pre-eminence in barbarity. She armed herself with blood-hounds to extirpate the wretched natives of Mexico; but we, more ruthless, loose these dogs of war against our countrymen in America, endeared to us by every tie that should sanctify humanity. My lords, I solemnly call upon your lordships, and upon every order of men in the state, to stamp upon this infamous procedure the indelible stigma of the public abhorrence. More particularly I call upon the holy prelates of our religion to do away this iniquity; let them perform a lustration to purify their country from this deep and deadly sin. My lords, I am old and weak, and at present unable to say more; but my feelings and indignation were too strong to have said less. I could not have slept this night in my bed, nor reposed my head upon my pillow, without giving this vent to my eternal abhorrence of such enormous and preposterous principles." After this grand effusion, the reader will be surprised to hear, that on the division, twenty-eight lords only voted in support of the motion, against ninety-seven who opposed it. INTELLIGENCE OF BURGOYNE'S DEFEAT.

On the succeeding day ministers were completely humbled by the disastrous intelligence from America. Lord North shed tears; and the American secretary shrunk, oppressed with shame and disappointment, under the just invectives of the minority. On the fifth, the earl of Chatham moved in the house of lords, "that an address be present ed to his majesty, to cause the proper officers to lay before the house copies of all orders and instruc tions to general Burgoyne relative to the late expedition from Canada." Holding up a paper in view of the house, his lordship said, "that he had the king's speech in his hand, and a deep sense of the public calamity in his heart. That speech, he said, contained a most unfaithful picture of the state of public affairs; it had a specious outside, was full of hopes, while every thing within was

full of danger. A system destructive of all faith and confidence had been introduced, his lordship affirmed, within the last fifteen years at St. James's, by which pliable men, not capable men, had been raised to the highest posts of government. A few obscure persons had obtained an ascendancy where no man should have a personal ascendancy, and by the most insidious means the nation had been betrayed into a war of which they now reaped the bitter fruits. The spirit of delusion, his lordship said, had gone forth; ministers had imposed on the people; parliament had been induced to sanctify the imposition; a visionary phantom of revenue had been conjured up for the basest of purposes, but it was now for ever vanished. His lordship said, that the abilities of general Burgoyne were confessed, his personal bravery not surpassed, his zeal in the service unquestionable. He had experienced no pestilence, nor suffered any of the accidents which sometimes supersede the wisest and most spirited exertions of human industry. What then is the cause of his misfortune ?-Want of wisdom in our councils, want of ability in our ministers. His lordship said, the plan of penetrating into the colonies from Canada was a most wild, uncombined, and mad project; and the mode of carrying on the war was the most bloody, barbarous, and ferocious recorded in the annals of history. The arms of Britain had been sullied and tarnished by blending the scalping-knife and tomahawk with the sword and firelock. Such a mode of warfare was a contamination which all the waters of the Hudson and the Delaware would never wash away. It was impossible for America to forget or forgive so horrid an injury."

In the course of his speech he animadverted in the severest terms on the language recently held by the archbishop of York. "The pernicious doctrines advanced by that prelate were, he said, the doctrines of Atterbury and Sacheverel. As a whig he abjured and detested them; and he hoped he should yet see the day when they would be deemed libellous, and treated as such." The motion being negatived, his lordship next moved an address to the king, " that all orders and treaties relative to the employment of the Indian savages be laid before the house."

Lord Gower rose to oppose the motion, and asserted, " that the noble lord had himself employed savages without scruple in the operations of the last war." This charge lord Chatham positively and peremptorily denied, and challenged the ministers, if any such instructions of his were to be found, to produce them. If at all employed, they had crept into the service, from the occasional utility of their assistance in unexplored parts of the coun try. He said, "the late king George II. had too much regard for the military dignity of his people, and also too much humanity, to agree to such a proposal, had it been made to him, and he called upon lord Amherst to declare the truth." Lord Amherst, not able to evade this appeal, reluctant/ owned that Indians had been employed on both sides-the French employed them first, he said, and we followed their example; but that he had been authorised to take them into his majesty's service by instructions from the minister, his lordship would not affirm. The motion was dismissed by the previous question.

LORD NORTH'S CONCILIATORY BILLS. On the seventeenth of February, having given previous notice of his intention, the minister introduced to the house of commons some new propositions tending to a reconciliation with America. He said, that his wishes for peace had been frustrated by a variety of misfortunes; that American taxation, he had always believed, could never produce a beneficial revenue, but he had found them taxed when he came into office. He never could have conceived, that the agreement with the East India company would have proved so unfortunate; that the coercive acts had produced effects which ho could not foresee; that his former conciliatory proposition was so disfigured by obscure discussions as to lose its effect in America; that the issue of the war had been contrary to all expectation, considering the conduct of the commanders and the goodness of the troops. His present motions were two, for "a bill for declaring the intentions of the parliament of Great Britain, concerning the exer cise of the right of imposing taxes within his ma