December, adjourned themselves to meet in eight days at Baltimore, resolving at the same time, "that general Washington should be possessed of full power to order and direct all things relative to the department and operations of war." The activity of the British in the close of the campaign, seemed in some measure to compensate for their tardiness in the beginning of it. Hitherto they had succeeded in every scheme; they marched up and down the Jersey side of the river Delaware, and through the country, without any molestation. All opposition to the re-estab, lishment of royal government seemed to be on the point of expiring. The Americans had thus far acted without system, or rather feebly executed what had been tardily adopted. Though the war was changed from its first ground, a redress of grievances to a struggle for sovereignty, yet some considerable time elapsed before arrangements conformable to this new system were adopted, and a much longer before they were carried into execution. EXERTIONS OF CONGRESS. In proportion as difficulties increased, congress redoubled their exertions to oppose them; on the tenth of December they addressed the states in animated language, calculated to remove their despondency, renew their hopes, and confirm their resolutions. They at the same time despatched gentlemen of character and influence to excite the militia to take the field. General Mifflin was, on this occa sion, particularly useful; he exerted his great abi lities in rousing his fellow-citizens, by animated and affectionate addresses, to turn out in defence of their endangered liberties. proposed to offer a monopoly of certain enumerated articles of produce. To this the variant interests of the different states were so directly opposed, as to occasion a speedy and decided negative. Some proposed offering to France a league offensive and defensive, in case she would heartily support American independence; but this was also rejected. The more enlightened members of congress argued, "Though the friendship of small states might be purchased, that of France could not." They alleged, that if she would risque a war with Great Britain, by openly espousing their cause, it would not be so much from the prospect of direct advantages, as from a natural desire to lessen the overgrown power of a dangerous rival. It was therefore supposed, that the only inducement likely to influence France to an interference, was an assurance that the United States were determined to persevere in refusing a return to their former allegiance. Instead of lis tening to the terms of the royal commissioners, or to any founded on the idea of their resuming the character of British subjects, it was therefore again resolved, to abide by their declared independence, and proffered freedom of trade to every foreign nation, trusting the event to Providence, and risking all consequences. Copies of these resolutions were sent to the principal courts of Europe, and proper persons were appointed to solicit their friendship to the new-formed states. These despatches fell into the hands of the British, and were by them published. This was the very thing wished for by Congress; they well knew, that an apprehension of their making up all differences with Great Britain was the principal objection to the interference of foreign courts, in what was represented to be no more than a domestic quarrel. A resolution adopted in the deepest distress and the worst of times, that congress would listen to no terms of reunion with their parent state, convinced those who wish Congress also recommended to each of the United States" to appoint a day of solemn fasting and humiliation, to implore of Almighty God the forgiveed for the dismemberment of the British empire, ness of their many sins, and to beg the countenance and assistance of his providence in the prosecution of the present just and necessary war." that it was sound policy to interfere, so far as would prevent the conquest of the United States. These judicious determinations in the cabinet were accompanied with vigorous exertions in the field. The delay so judiciously contrived on the retreat through Jersey, afforded time for these volunteer reinforcements to join general Washingtou. The number of troops under his command at that time fluctuated between two and three thousand men. To turn round and face a victorious and numerous foe, with this inconsiderable force, was risking much; but the urgency of the case required that something should be attempted. The recruit ing business for the proposed new continental army was at a stand, while the British were driving the Americans before them. The present regular soldiers could, as a matter of right, in less than a week claim their discharge, and scarce a single recruit offered to supply their place. Under these circumstances, the bold resolution was formed of re-crossing into the state of Jersey, and attacking that part of the enemy which was posted at Trenton. In the dangerous situation to which every thing dear to the friends of independence was reduced, congress transferred extraordinary powers to general Washington, "to raise and collect together, in the most speedy and effectual manner, from any or all of these United States, sixteen battalions of infantry, in addition to those already voted by congress; to appoint officers for the said battalions of infantry; to raise, officer, and equip three thousand light-horse, three regiments of artillery, and a corps of engineers, and to establish their pay; to apply to any of the states for such aid of the militia as he shall judge necessary; tr form such magazines of provisions, and in such places as he shall think proper; to displace and appoint all officers under the rank of brigadier-general, and to fill up all vacancies in every other department in the American armies; to take, wherever he may be, whatever he may want for the use of the army, if the inhabit ants will not sell it, allowing a reasonable price for the same; to arrest and confine persons who refuse to take the continental currency, or are otherwise disaffected to the American cause; and return to the states of which they are citizens, their names and the nature of their offences, together with the witnesses to prove them: That the foregoing pow-quest, cantoned their army at Burlington, Bordeners be vested in general Washington, for and during the term of six months from the date hereof, unless sooner determined by congress." In this hour of extremity, the attention of congress was employed in devising plans to save the states from sinking under the heavy calamities which were bearing them down. It is remarkable, that neither in the present condition, though try ing and severe, nor in any other since the declaration of independence, was congress influenced either by force, distress, artifice, or persuasion, to entertain the most distant idea of purchasing peace, by returning to the condition of British subjects. So low were they reduced in the latter end of 1776, that some members, distrustful of their ability to resist the power of Great Britain, proposed to authorise their commissioners at the court of France to transfer to that country the same monopoly of their trade which Great Britain had hitherto enjoy ed. On examination it was found, that concessions of this kind would destroy the force of many arguments heretofore used in favour of independence, and probably disunite their citizens. It was next HESSIANS CAPTURED AT TRENTON. WHEN the Americans retreated over the Delaware, the boats in the vicinity were removed out of the way of their pursuers. This arrested their progress: but the British commanders, in the security of con ton, Trenton, and other towns of New-Jersey, in daily expectation of being enabled to cross over into Pennsylvania, by means of the ice which is generally formed about that time. In the evening of Christmas-day, general Washington made arrangements for re-crossing the Delaware in three divisions; at M'Konkey's Ferry, at Trenton Ferry, and at or near Bordenton. The troops which were to have crossed at the two last places, were commanded by generals Ewing and Cadwallader; they made every exertion to get over, but the quantity of ice was so great, that they could not effect their purpose. The main body, which was commanded by general Washington, crossed at M'Konkey's Ferry, but the ice in the river retarded their passage so long, that it was three o'clock in the morning before the artillery could be got over. On their landing in Jersey, they were formed into two divisions commanded by generals Sullivan and Greene, who had under their command brigadiers lord Stirling, Mercer, and St. Clair. One of these divisions was ordered to proceed on the lower, or river road, the other on the upper, or Pernington road. Colonel Stark, with some light troops, was also directed to advance near to the river, and to possess himself of that part of the town which is beyond the bridge. The divisions having nearly the same distance to march, were ordered immediately, on forcing the out-guards, to push directly into Trenton, that they might charge the enemy before they had time to form. Though they marched different roads, yet they arrived at the enemy's advanced post within three minutes of cach other. The out-guards of the Hessian troops at Trenton soon fell back, but kept up a constant retreating fire. Their main body being hard pressed by the Americans, who had already got possession of half their artillery, attempted to file off by a road leading towards Princeton, but were checked by a body of troops thrown in their way. Finding they were surrounded, they laid down their arms. The number which submitted was twenty-three officers, and eight hundred and eighty-six men. Between thirty and forty of the Hessians were killed and wounded. Colonel Rahl was among the former, and seven of his officers among the latter. Captain Washington, of the Virginia troops, and five or six of the Americans, were wounded; two were killed, and two or three were frozen to death. The detachment in Trenton consisted of the regiment of Rahl, Losberg, and Kniphausen, amounting in the whole to about fifteen hundred men, and a troop of British light-horse. About six hundred escaped by the road leading to Bordenton. The British had a strong battalion of light-infantry at Princeton, and a force yet remaining near the Delaware, superior to the American army. General Washington therefore, in the evening of the same day, thought it most prudent to re-cross into Pennsylvania with his prisoners. The effects of this successful enterprise were speedily felt in recruiting the American army. About fourteen hundred regular soldiers, whose time of service was on the point of expiring, agreed to serve six weeks longer, on a promised gratuity of ten paper dollars to each. Men of influence were sent to different parts of the country to rouse the militia. a The Hessian prisoners taken on the twenty-sixth being secured, general Washington re-crossed the Delaware, and took possession of Trenton. The detachments which had been distributed over NewJersey, previous to the capture of the Hessians, immediately after that event assembled at Princeton, and were joined by the army from Brunswick under lord Cornwallis. From this position, on the second of January 1777, they came forward towards Trenton in great force, hoping, by a vigorous onset, to repair the injury their cause had sustained by the late defeat. Truly delicate was the situation of the feeble American army. To retreat was to hazard the city of Philadelphia, and to destroy every ray of hope which had begun to dawn from their late success. To risk an action with a superior force in front, and a river in the rear, was dangerous in the extreme. To get round the advanced party of the British, and by pushing forwards to attack in their rear, was deemed preferable to either. The British on their advance from Princeton, about four o'clock in the afternoon, attacked a body of Ameri cans which were posted, with four field-pieces, little to the northward of Trenton, and compelled them to retreat. The pursuing British being checked at the bridge over Sanpink Creek, which runs through that town, by some field-pieces which were posted on the opposite banks of that rivulet, fell back so far as to be out of reach of the cannon, and kindled their fires. The Americans were drawn up on the other side of the creek, and in that position remained till night, cannonading the enemy and receiving their fire. In this critical hour two armies, on which the success or failure of the American revolution materially depended, were crowded into the small village of Trenton, and only separated by a creek in many places fordable. The British believing they had all the advantages they could wish for, and that they could use them when they pleased, discontinued all further operations, and kept themselves in readiness to make the attack next morning. The next morning presented a scene as brilliant on the one side, as it was unexpected on the other. Soon after it became dark, general Washington ordered all his baggage to be silently removed, and having left guards for the purpose of deception, marched with his whole force, by a cir cuitous route, to Princeton. This manoeuvre was determined upon in a council of war, from a conviction that it would avoid the appearance of a retreat, and at the same time the hazard of an action in a bad position, and that it was the most likely way to preserve the city of Philadelphia from fall ing into the hands of the British. General Washington also presumed, that from an eagerness to efface the impressions made by the late capture of the Hessians at Trenton, the British commanders had pushed forward their principal force, and that of course the remainder in the rear at Princeton was not more than equal to his own. The event verified this conjecture. The more effectually to disguise the departure of the Americans from Trenton, fires were lighted up in front of their camp. These not only gave an appearance of going to rest, but as flame cannot be seen through, concealed from the British what was transacting behind them. In this relative position they were a pillar of fire to the one army, and a pillar of cloud to the other, Providence favoured this movement of the Americans. The weather had been for some time so warm and moist, that the ground was soft, and the roads so deep as to be scarcely passable: but the wind suddenly changed to the north-west, and the ground in a short time was frozen so hard, that when the Americans took up their line of march, they were no more retarded than if they had been upon a solid pavement. General Washington reached Princeton early the next morning, and would have completely surprised the British, had not a party, which was on their way to Trenton, descried his troops, when they were about two miles distant, and sent back couriers to alarm their unsuspecting fellow-soldiers in their rear. These consisted of the seventeenth, the fortieth, and sixtyfifth regiments of British infantry, and some of the royal artillery with two field-pieces, and three troops of light dragoons. The centre of the Americans, consisting of the Philadelphia militia, while on their line of march, was briskly charged by a party of the British, and gave way in disorder. The moment was critical: general Washington pushed forward, and placed himself between his own men and the British, with his horse's head fronting the latter. The Americans, encouraged by his example and exhortations, made a stand, and returned the British fire. The general, though between both parties, was providentially uninjured by either. A party of the British fled into the college, and were there attacked with field-pieces which were fired into it. The seat of the muses became for some time the scene of action. The party which had taken refuge in the college, after receiving a few discharges from the American field pieces, came out and surrendered themselves prisoners of war. In the course of the engagement, sixty of the British were killed, and a greater number wounded, and about three hundred of them were taken prisoners. The rest made their escape, some by pushing on towards Trenton, others by returning towards Brunswick. The Americans lost only a few; but colonel Haslet and Potter, and captain Neal of the artillery were among the slain. General Mercer received three bayonet wounds, of which he died in a short time. He was a Scotchman by birth, but from principle and affection had engaged to support the liberties of his adopted country, with a zeal equal to that of any of its na tive sons. In private life he was amiable, and his character as an officer stood high in the public esteem. While they were fighting in Princeton, the British in Trenton were under arms, and on the point of making an assault on the evacuated camp of the Americans. With so much address had the movement to Princeton been conducted, that though, from the critical situation of the two armies, every ear may be supposed to have been open, and every degree of watchfulness to have been employed, yet general Washington moved completely off the ground with his whole force, stores, baggage, and artillery, unknown to, and unsuspected by his adversaries. The British in Trenton were so entirely deceived, that when they heard the report of the artillery at Princeton, though it was in the depth of winter, they supposed it to be thunder That part of the royal army, which having escap ed from Princeton, retreated towards New-Brunswick, was pursued for three or four miles. Another party which had advanced as far as Maidenhead, on their way to Trenton, hearing the frequent discharge of fire-arms in their rear, wheeled round and marched to the aid of their companions. The Americans, by destroying bridges, retarded these, though close in their rear, so long as to gain time for themselves to move off, in good order to Pluckemin. So great was the consternation of the British at these unexpected movements, that they instantly evacuated both Trenton and Princeton, and retreat ed with their whole force to New-Brunswick. The American militia collected, and forming themselves into parties, waylaid their enemies, and cut them off whenever an opportunity presented. In a few days they over-run the Jerseys. General Maxwell surprised Elizabeth Town, and took near 100 prisoners. Newark was abandoned, and the late conquerors were forced to leave Woodbridge. The royal troops were confined to Amboy and Brunswick, which held a water communication with NewYork. Thus, in the short space of a month, that part of Jersey, which lies between New-Brunswick and Delaware, was both over-run by the British, and recovered by the Americans. The victories of Trenton and Princeton seemed to be like a resurrection from the dead to the desponding friends of independence. A melancholy gloom had in the first twenty five days of December overspread the United States; but from the memorable æra of the 26th of the same month, their prospects began to brighten. The recruiting service, which for some time had been at a stand, was successfully renewed; and hopes were soon indulged, that the commander in chief would be enabled to take the field in the spring, with a permanent regular force. General Washington retired to Morristown, that he might afford shelter to his suffering army. The American militia had some successful skirmishes with detachments of their adversaries. Within four days after the affair at Princeton, between forty and fifty Waldeckers were killed, wounded, or taken at Springfield, by an equal number of the same New-Jersey militia, which but a month before suffered the British to over-run their country without opposition. This enterprise was conducted by colonel Spencer, whose gallantry on the occasion was rewarded with the command of a regiment. During the winter movements, which have been just related, the soldiers of both armies underwent great hardships; but the Americans suffered by far the greater. Many of them were without shoes, though marching over frozen ground, which so gashed their naked feet, that each step was marked with blood: there was scarcely a tent in their whole army: the city of Philadelphia had been twice laid under contribution to provide them with blankets: officers had been appointed to examine every house, and, after leaving a scanty covering for the family, to bring off the rest for the use of the troops in the field; but notwithstanding these exertions, the quantity procured was far short of decency, much less of comfort. The officers and soldiers of the American army were about this time innoculated in their cantonment at Morristown; as very few of them had ever had the small pox, the inoculation was nearly universal. The disorder had previously spread among them in the natural way, and proved mortal to many but after inoculation was introduced, though whole regiments were inoculated in a day, there was little or no mortality from the small pox, and the disorder was so slight, that from the beginning to the end of it, there was not a single day in which they could not, and if called upon, would not, have turned out and fought the British. To induce the inhabitants to accommodate officers and soldiers in their houses, while under the small pox, they and their families were inoculated gratis by the military surgeons. Thus in a short time, the whole army and the inhabitants in and near Morristown were subjected to the small pox, and with very little inconvenience to either. Three months, which followed the actions of Trenton and Princeton, passed away without any important military enterprise on either side. Major general Putnam was directed to take post at Princeton, and cover the country in the vicinity. He had only a few hundred troops, though he was no more than eighteen miles distant from the strong garrison of the British at Brunswick. At one period he had fewer men for duty than he had miles of frontier to guard. The situation of general Washington at Morristown was not more eligible. His force was trifling when compared with that of the British; but the enemy and his own countrymen believed the contrary. Their deception was cherished, and artfully continued by the specious parade of a considerable army. Throughout the campaign of 1776, an uncommon degree of sickness raged in the American army. Husbandmen, transferred at once from the conveniences of domestic life, to the hardships of a field encampment, could not accommodate themselves to the sudden change. On the eighth of August, the whole American army before New-York consisted of seventeen thousand two hundred and twenty five men, but of that number only ten thousand five hundred and fourteen were fit for duty. These numerous sick suffered much from the want of ne cessaries; hurry and confusion added much to their distresses: there was besides a real want of the requisites for their relief. RESULT OF THE CAMPAIGN. THE campaign of 1776 did not end till it had been protracted into the first month of the year 1777. The British had counted on the complete and speedy reduction of their late colonies, but they found the work more difficult of execution than was supposed. They wholly failed in their designs on the southern states. In Canada they recovered what in the preceding year they had lost; drove the Americans out of their borders, and destroyed their fleet on the lakes; but they failed in making their intended impression on the north-western frontier of the states. They obtained possession of Rhode Island, but the acquisition was of little service; perhaps was of detriment. For near three years several thousand men stationed thereon for its security, were lost to every purpose of active co-operation with the royal forces in the field, and the posses. sion of it secured no equivalent advantages. The British completely succeeded against the city of New-York and the adjacent country; but when they pursued their victories into New-Jersey, and sub divided their army, the recoiling Americans soon recovered the greater part of what they had lost. Sir William Howe, after having nearly reached Philadelphia, was confined to limits so narrow, that the fee-simple of all he commanded would not reimburse the expense incurred by its conquest. The war on the part of the Americans, was but barely begun. Hitherto they had engaged with temporary forces for a redress of grievances, but towards the close of this year they made arrangements for raising a permanent army to contend with Great Britain for the sovereignty of the country. To have thus far stood their ground with their new levies, was a matter of great importance, because to them delay was victory, and not to be conquered was to conquer. CHAPTER XIII. State of Great Britain in the summer of 1776–Meeting of Parliament-Debate on the Proclamation of the American Commissioners-Secession of the Minority-Habeas Corpus Act suspended-Fire in Portsmouth Dock Yard-Shameful Profusion of Ministers-Debates on the Augmentation of the Civil List-Address of the Speaker, Sir F. Norton, to the King-Censured by Ministry-Dispute with Holland-—Campaign in America-Action on the Brandywine-Philadelphia_taken-Battle of German Town-American Forts taken--Progress of General Burgoyne-Ticonderoga evacuated British repulsed at Fort Schuyler-Defeat of Colonel Baum-Actions at Stillwater, &c.—Surrender of Burgoyne-Conclusion of the Campaign. STATE OF GREAT BRITAIN. HE summer of 1776 passed in England with 1777. T but little agitation of the public mind. The nevertheless it was necessary we should be in pompous accounts which had been detailed by ministry of the successes of our arms, amused and misled the unthinking many; and the extensive influence which they had established by means of jobs, loans, contracts, and commissions, silenced all opposition. Even the minority in both houses of parliament, though consisting of the most respectable of the ancient nobility of the realm, and of the best families of the landed interest, were so dispirited by continued disappointments and fruitless efforts, that they even meditated a secession from their public duty. preparations for another campaign. His majesty observed that he continued to receive assurances of amity from the several courts of Europe, but that a respectable state of defence at home. An apology was made to the commons for the unavoidable expense. The speech concluded with an assurance that his majesty had no object in this arduous contest but to promote the true interest of all his subjects. No people ever enjoyed more happiness, or lived under a milder government, than those now revolted provinces; the improvements in every art, of which they boast, declare it; their numbers, their wealth, their strength by sea and land, which they think sufficient to enable them to make head against the whole power of the mother-country, are irrefragable proofs of it. The debates on the addresses, in consequence of this speech, were long and tedious. The inattention of the British nation to the deplorable situation, in which the errors and wickedness of ministry had involved them, is the more extraordinary, when we recollect the ever wakeful attention of the commercial world to their own in-forward in both houses; but an amendment, which terests, and observe, at the same time, that the captures made on the seas by the American cruizers were calculated at not less than one million sterling. The West-India islands were also reduced to a state of almost intolerable distress, from the failure of the usual supplies from America; and in most of them the necessaries of life had risen to three or four times their usual price. A contemporary historian has remarked, that the speech from the throne at the opening of parliament, on the 31st October 1776, was distinguished by "an unguarded and undignified intemperance of language.' Addresses, the echo of the speech, were brought was in reality another address in a totally different strain, was moved by lord John Cavendish in the house of commons, and the marquis of Rockingham in the house of lords, containing a masterly recapitulation of the manifold errors of that system which had caused the entire alienation, and at length the open revolt of so large a part of his majesty's once foyal and affectionate subjects. It concluded with the observation," that a wise and provident use of the late advantages might be productive of happy effects, as the means of establishing a permanent connexion between Great Britain and her colonies, on principles of liberty, and terms of mutual benefit." admirable address," with shame and horror on any events that should bow them to any abject and unconditional submission to any power whatsoeverannihilate their liberties, and subdue them to servile principles and passive habits by the mere force of foreign mercenary arms." Nothing, his majesty observed, could have afforded him so much satisfaction, as to have been able" We should look," said this truly excellent and to inform the houses, at the opening of this session, that the troubles in North America were at an end; but so daring and desperate was the spirit of those leaders whose object had always been dominion and power, that they had now openly renounced all allegiance to the crown, and all political connexion with this country; they had rejected, with The speech from the throne, under the established circumstances of indignity and insult, the means of and decorous pretext of its being the speech of the conciliation held out to them under the authority of minister, was treated with the most contemptuous his majesty's commission, and had presumed to set and sarcastic severity. "Where," it was asked, up their rebellious confederacies for independent" are those mighty leaders to be found whom the states. If their treason were suffered to take root, Americans obey so implicitly, and who govern them much mischief must grow from it, to the safety of with so despotic a rule? They have no grandees his majesty's colonies, the commerce of the king- among them; their soil is not productive of nobili dom, and indeed the present system of all Europe.ty; in no country are there in fact so few individu One great advantage, however, would be derived als possessed of a commanding or extensive influfrom the object of the rebels having been openly ence; the president of their supreme assembly was avowed, and clearly understood; we should have a merchant; the general of their armies a private unanimity at home, founded in the general convic- gentleman. Nothing could be more evident than tion of the justice and necessity of our measures. that a sense of common danger and of common The two houses were informed of the recovery of suffering had driven them to the necessity of creatCanada, and the success on the side of New-York, ing leaders, who were possessed only of such powwhich, although they had been so important as to give the strongest hopes of the most decisive good consequences, would nevertheless not prevent the ers as the people had thought it expedient to entrust them with. In the same spirit of falsehood it was asserted, that the Americans had rejected with circumstances of indignity and insult the terms of conciliation offered them.' The truth was, that no terms had been offered them but the offer of a pardon on unconditional submission, which the ministers well knew they would never accept; nor was even this mock offer made till the whole sys. tem of irritation and oppression was completed by the injustice and cruelty of the capture act, by which they were put out of the protection of the law, and their property held out as common spoil. The position in the speech, so undeniably true, that no people ever enjoyed greater happiness, or lived under a milder government, than these now revolted colonies,' implied the severest censure on those who had so wantonly and wickedly departed from a system which had produced such noble and wonderful effects." The expectation of unanimity from the present situation of affairs was, however, said to be of all the parts of this extravagant speech the most ridiculous. "What! shall we at last concur in measures, because all the mischiefs which were originally predicted have ultimately resulted from them? Have ministers the unparalleled effroutery to call upon us to give our sanction to that fatal system which we in vain warned and implored them to shun, and which persisted in must terminate in utter ruin ?" On a division, the amendment was rejected in the house of commons by a majority of 242 to 87, and in the house of peers by 91 to 26, fourteen of whom joined in a protest, in which the proposed amendment was verbatim inserted, in order that it might remain as a perpetual memorial on the journals of that house. DEBATE ON THE PROCLAMATION OF THE SECESSION OF THE MINORITY IN PAR- THE opposition were strenuous in asserting, that the crown promised in this proclamation more than it could grant without permission of parliament; the crown having only a voice in the passing or repeal of laws, but no power to revise such as the parliament have again and again confirmed contrary to all endeavours from opposition. Nothing can be more unjust than to pretend to disarm the Americans previous to a negotiation. Such practice cannot derive a foundation even from the most tyrannical edicts or practices; and after having by Bure and deliberate degrees impelled the Americans to the natural protection, self-defence, to ask them to lay down their arms and entrust themselves to their mercy, who had undone them, who had tortured them to desperation, is not more absurd than cruel, and not more unlike Britons, than unlike savages. The question, after great animosity of debate, being put, the motion was rejected by a majority of 109 to 47.-This event was followed by that secession, which had been long meditated, of a great number of the members of opposition, parti cularly of the Rockingham party; they no longer saw duty or advantage to the public in wasting their time and strength in unavailing attempts to oppose the resistless determinations of ministry. They had long ago foretold every thing that had happened; they had made uniform efforts to prevent the impending danger, but they saw that all their efforts now served only to expose them to the resentment of a people infatuated and deluded. We may add, that few circumstances contributed more to open the eyes of the besotted people of England, than this secession. They now felt themselves at the mercy of the ministry, and deserted by all the wisdom and patriotism of the nation; and the dissatisfaction which soon after broke forth in various patriotic meetings and resolves, may in part be attributed to this proceeding. HABEAS CORPUS ACT SUSPEnded. SOON after the recess, which continued from December the thirteenth to the twenty-first of January 1777, lord North moved for leave to bring in a bill, to enable his majesty to secure and detain persons charged with, or suspected of the crime of high treason committed in America, or on the high seas, or the crime of piracy. The bill was brought in and read the following day (February the 7th), and a motion made, that it should be read a second time on the 10th: But the principal enacting clause appearing in a very alarming point of view, it was strongly combated by such of the opposition as were present. This clause declared all persons taken in the act of high treason, comm.ted in any of the colonies, or on the high seas, or in the act of piracy, or who are or shall be charged with or suspected of any of these crimes, liable to be committed to any common gaol, or to any other place of confinement, appointed for that purpose under his majesty's sign manual, within any part of his dominions, there to be detained in safe custody, without bail, mainprize, or trial, during the continuance of the law, with a provision, however, enabling a certain num ber of the privy council to grant an order for admitting such persons to bail or trial. Of the few members in opposition who happened to be present, Mr. Dunning animadverted most severely on the bill now proposed by the minister. He expressed the utmost astonishment, that a bill of such magnitude and importance, which was to suspend all the functions of the constitution, should be attempted to be smuggled through a thin house under false colours, before the nation could be apprised of its danger, or their constituents have the smallest notice, that they were going to surrender the foundation of all their other rights, and the pe culiar characteristic of the British government. The alarm excited by this measure recalled a few of the minority gentlemen, who had before refused their attendance, and the debates were renewed with as great violence as ever. Among the manifold objections to this bill, it was remarked, that it was framed with "such treacherous artifice of construction," that by the enacting clauses, the crown was enabled, at its pleasure, to commit, not only Americans, but any other person resident in the British dominions, without bail or mainprize to any place of confinement in Great Britain or elsewhere. Thus was the habeas corpus act, that great bulwark of British liberty, completely annihilated by a construction of law, which left it in the power of the crown to apprehend on the slightest suspicion, or pretence of suspicion, any individual against whom the vengeance of the court was meant to be directed; and to convey them beyond the seas to any of the garrisons in Africa or the Indies, far from all hope or possibility of relief. At length the minister, with that inconsistency which marked his conduct, explicitly disavowed as to himself all design of extending the operation of the bill beyond its open and avowed objects. He said, "that the bill was intended for America, and not for England; that, as he would ask for no power that was not wanted, so he would scorn to receive it by any covert means; and that, far from wishing to establish any unconstitutional precedent, he neither sought nor wished any powers to be vested in the crown or its ministers which were capable of being employed to bad or oppressive purposes." He therefore agreed to receive the amendments proposed; the principal of which were in substance: 1. That the clause empowering his majesty to confine such persons as might be apprehended under this act "in any part |