His angels spirits are, that wait his will; And then the hills began to show their head; And that the earth no more might drowned be, But when the day appears, they back do fly, O Lord, thy providence sufficeth all; But seas and streams likewise do spread the same. The rolling seas unto the lot doth fall Of beasts innumerable, great and small; And though his waves resound, and beat the shore, The greater navies look like walking woods; Yet it is bridled by his holy lore. Then did the rivers seek their proper places, And found their heads, their issues, and their races; The springs do feed the rivers all the way, The asses wild, that hide in wilderness, The higher grounds, where waters cannot rise, That ask their meat of God, their strength restoring; VOL. II.-55 The fishes there far voyages do make, Shut thou thy hand, and then they troubled are. As long as life doth last I hymns will sing, But as for sinners, they shall be destroy'd THE TRANSLATION OF THE CXXVIth PSALM. WHEN God return'd us graciously Unto our native land, We seem'd as in a dream to be, 20 AN ADVERTISEMENT TOUCHING A HOLY WAR. WRITTEN IN THE YEAR MDCXXII. MY LORD, BY THE RIGHT REVEREND FATHER IN GOD, LANCELOT ANDREWS, LORD BISHOP OF WINCHEster, and counsellor oF ESTATE TO HIS MAJESTY. Amongst consolations, it is not the least to represent to a man's self like examples of calamity in others. For examples give a quicker impression than arguments; and, besides, they certify us, that which the Scripture also tendereth for satisfaction; "that no new thing is happened unto us.' This they do the better, by how much the examples are liker in circumstances to our own case; and more especially if they fall upon persons that are greater and worthier than ourselves. For as it savoureth of vanity, to match ourselves highly in our own conceit; so, on the other side, it is a good sound conclusion, that if our betters have sustained the like events, we have the less cause to be grieved. In this kind of consolation I have not been wanting to myself, though, as a Christian, I have tasted, through God's great goodness, of higher remedies. Having, therefore, through the variety of my reading, set before me many examples, both of ancient and later times, my thoughts, I confess, have chiefly stayed upon three particulars, as the most eminent and the most resembling. All three persons that had held chief place of authority in their countries; all three ruined, not by war, or by any other disaster, but by justice and sentence, as delinquents and criminals; all three famous writers, insomuch as the remembrance of their calamity is now as to posterity but as a little picture of night-work, remaining amongst the fair and excellent tables of their acts and works: and all three, if that were any thing to the matter, fit examples to quench any man's ambition of rising again; for that they were every one of them restored with great glory, but to their farther ruin and destruction, ending in a violent death. The men were, Demosthenes, Cicero, and Seneca; persons that I durst not claim affinity with, except the similitude of our fortunes had contracted it. When I had cast mine eyes upon these examples, I was carried on farther to observe, how they did bear their fortunes, and principally, how they did employ their times, being banished, and disabled for public business: to the end that I might learn by them; and that they might be as well my counsellors as my comforters. Whereupon I happened to note, how diversely their fortunes wrought upon them; especially in that point at which I did most aim, which was the employing of their times and pens. In Cicero, I saw that during his banishment, which was almost two years, he was so softened and dejected, as he wrote nothing but a few womanish epistles. And yet, in mine opinion, he had least reason of the three to be discouraged: for that although it was judged, and judged by the highest kind of judgment, in form of a statute or law, that he should be banished, and his whole estate confiscated and seized, and his houses pulled down, and that it should be highly penal for any man to propound a repeal; yet his case even then had no great blot of ignominy; for it was thought but a tempest of popularity which overthrew him. Demosthenes, contrariwise, though his case was foul, being condemned for bribery, and not simple bribery, but bribery in the nature of treason and disloyalty, yet, nevertheless, took so little knowledge of his fortune, as during his banishment he did much busy himself, and intermeddle with matters of state; and took upon him to counsel the state, as if he had been still at the helm, by letters; as appears by some epistles of his which are extant. Seneca indeed, who was condemned for many corruptions and crimes, and banished into a solitary island, kept a mean; and though his pen did not freeze, yet he abstained from intruding into matters of business; but spent his time in writing books of excellent argument and use for all ages; though he might have made better choice, sometimes, of his dedications. These examples confirmed me much in a resolution, whereunto I was otherwise inclined, to spend my time wholly in writing; and to put forth that poor talent, or half talent, or what it is, that God hath given me, not, as heretofore, to particular exchanges, but to banks, or mounts of perpetuity, which will not break. Therefore, having not long since set forth a part of my Instauration; which is the work that, in mine own judgment, “si nunquam fallit imago," I do most esteem: I think to proceed in some new parts thereof; and although I have received from many parts beyond the seas, testimonies touching that work, such as beyond which I could not expect at the first in so abstruse an argument; yet, nevertheless, I have just cause to doubt, that it flies too high over men's heads: I have a purpose, therefore, though I break the order of time, to draw it down to the sense, by some patterns of a natural story and inquisition. And, again, for that my book of Advancement of Learning may be some preparative, or key, for the better opening of the Instauration; because it exhibits a mixture of new conceits and old; whereas the Instauration gives the new unmixed, otherwise than with some little aspersion of the old for taste's sake; I have thought good to procure a translation of that book into the general language, not without great and ample additions, and enrichment thereof, especially in the second book, which handleth the partition of sciences; in such sort, as I hold it may serve in lieu of the first part of the Instauration, and acquit my promise in that part. Again, because I cannot altogether desert the civil person that I have borne; which, if I should forget, enough would remember; I have also entered into a work touching laws, propounding a character of justice in a middle term, between the speculative and reverend discourses of philosophers, and the writings of lawyers, which are tied and obnoxious to their particular laws. And although it be true, that I had a purpose to make a particular digest, or recompilement of the laws of mine own nation; yet, because it is a work of assistance, and that which I cannot master by mine own forces and pen, I have laid it aside. Now, having in the work of mine Instauration had in contemplation the general good of men in their very being, and the dowries of nature; and in my work of laws, the general good of men likewise in society, and the dowries of government; I thought in duty I owed somewhat unto my own country, which I ever loved: insomuch as, although my place hath been far above my desert, yet my thoughts and cares concerning the good thereof were beyond, and over, and above my place: so now being, as I am, no more able to do my country service, it remained unto me to do it honour; which I have endeavoured to do it in my work of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh. As for my Essays, and some other particulars of that nature, I count them but as the recreations of my other studies, and in that sort purpose to continue them: though I am not ignorant that those kind of writings would, with less pains and embracement, perhaps, yield more lustre and reputation to my name than those other which I have in hand. But I account the use that a man should seek of the publishing of his own writings before his death, to be but an untimely anticipation of that which is proper to follow a man, and not to go along with him. But, revolving with myself my writings, as well those which I have published, as those which I had in hand, methought they went all into the city, and none into the temple: where, because I have found so great consolation, I desire likewise to make some poor oblation. Therefore I have chosen an argument mixed of religious and civil considerations; and likewise mixed between contemplative and active. For who can tell whether there may not be an "exoriere aliquis?" Great matters, especially if they be religious, have many times small beginnings: and the platform may draw on the building. This work, because I was ever an enemy to flattering dedications, I have dedicated to your lordship, in respect of our ancient and private acquaintance; and because amongst the men of our times I hold you in special reverence. Your lordship's loving friend, FR. ST. ALBAN. THE PERSONS THAT SPEAK: EUSEBIUS, GAMALIEL, ZEBEDÆUS, MARTIUS, EUPOLIS, POLLIO. THERE met at Paris, in the house of Eupolis,* Eusebius, Zebedæus, Gamaliel, Martius, all persons of eminent quality, but of several dispositions. Eupolis himself was also present; and while they * Characters of the persons. Eusebius beareth the character of a moderate divine; Gamaliel of a Protestant zealot; Zebedæus of a Roman Catholic zealot; Martius of a military man; Eupolis of a politic; Pollio of a courtier. were set in conference, Pollio came in to them from court, and as soon as he saw them, after his witty and pleasant manner, he said, POLLIO. Here be four of you, I think, were able to make a good world; for you are as differing as the four elements, and yet you are friends. As for Eupolis, because he is temperate, and without passion, he may be the fifth essence. EUPOLIS. If we five, Pollio, make the great world, you alone make the little; because you profess, and practise both, to refer all things to yourself. POLLIO. And what do they that practise it, and profess it not? EUPOLIS. They are the less hardy, and the more dangerous. But come and sit down with us, for we were speaking of the affairs of Christendom at this day; wherein we would be glad also to have your opinion. POLLIO. My lords, I have journeyed this morning, and it is now the heat of the day; therefore your lordships' discourses had need content my ears very well, to make them entreat mine eyes to keep open. But yet if you will give me leave to awake you, when I think your discourses do but sleep, I will keep watch the best I can. EUPOLIS. You cannot do us a greater favour. Only I fear you will think all our discourses to be but the better sort of dreams; for good wishes, without power to effect, are not much more. But, sir, when you came in, Martius had both raised our attentions, and affected us with some speech he had begun; and it falleth out well, to shake off your drowsiness; for it seemed to be the trumpet of a war. And, therefore, Martius, if it please you, to begin again; for the speech was such, as deserveth to be heard twice; and I assure you, your auditory is not a little amended by the presence of Pollio. MARTIUS. When you came in, Pollio, I was saying freely to these lords, that I had observed how, by the space now of half a century of years, there had been, if I may speak it, a kind of meanness in the designs and enterprises of Christendom. Wars with subjects, like an angry suit for a man's own, that might be better ended by accord. Some petty acquests of a town, or a spot of territery; like a farmer's purchase of a close or nook of ground, that lay fit for him. And although the wars had been for a Naples, or a Milan, or a Portugal, or a Bohemia, yet these wars were but as the wars of heathens, of Athens, or Sparta, or Rome, for secular interest, or ambition, not worthy of the warfare of Christians. The church, indeed, maketh her missions into the extreme parts of the nations and isles, and it is well: but this is "Ecce unus gladius hic." The Christian princes and potentates are they that are wanting to the propagation of the faith by their arms. Yet our Lord, that said on earth, to the disciples, "Ite et prædicate," said from heaven to Constantine, "In hoc signo vince." What Christian soldier is there that will not be touched with a religious emulation to see an order of Jesus, or of St. Francis, or of St. Augustine, do such service, for enlarging the Christian borders; and an order of St. Jago, or St. Michael, or St. George, only to robe, and feast, and perform rites and observances? Surely the merchants themselves shall rise in judgment against the princes and nobles of Europe: for they have made a great path in the seas, unto the ends of the world; and set forth ships, and forces, of Spanish, English, and Dutch, enough to make China tremble; and all this, for pearl, or stone, or spices: but for the pearl of the kingdom of heaven, or the stones of the heavenly Jerusalem, or the spices of the spouse's garden, not a mast hath been set up: nay, they can make shift to shed Christian blood so far off amongst themselves, and not a drop for the cause of Christ. But let me recall myself; I must acknowledge, that within the space of fifty years, whereof I spake, there have been three noble and memorable actions upon the infidels, wherein the Christian hath been the invader: for where it is upon the defensive, I reckon it a war of nature, and not of piety. The first was, that famous and fortunate war by sea, that ended in the victory of Lepanto; which hath put a hook into the nostrils of the Ottomans to this day; which was the work chiefly of that excellent pope, Pius Quintus, whom I wonder his successors have not declared a saint. The second was, the noble, though unfortunate, expedition of Sebastian, King of Portugal, upon Africa, which was achieved by him alone; so alone, as left somewhat for others to excuse. The last was, the brave incursions of Sigismund the Transylvanian prince, the thread of whose prosperity was cut off by the Christians themselves,, contrary to the worthy and paternal monitories of Pope Clement the Eighth. More than these, I do not remember. POLLIO. NO! What say you to the extirpation of the Moors of Valentia? At which sudden question, Martius was a little at a stop; and Gamaliel prevented him, and said: GAMALIEL. I think Martius did well in omitting that action, for I, for my part, never approved it; and it seems God was not well pleased with that deed; for you see the king, in whose time it passed, whom you Catholics count a saintlike and immaculate prince, was taken away in the flower of his age; and the author, and great counsellor of that rigour, whose fortunes seemed to be built upon the rock, is ruined: and it is thought by some, that the reckonings of that business are not yet cleared with Spain; for that numbers of those supposed Moors, being tried now by their exile, continue constant in the faith, and true Christians in all points, save in the thirst of revenge. ZEBEDEUS. Make not hasty judgment, Gamaliel, of that great action, which was as Christ's fan in those countries, except you could show some such covenant from the crown of Spain, as Joshua made with the Gibeonites; that that cursed seed should continue in the land. And you see it was done by edict, not tumultuously; the sword was not put into the people's hand. EUPOLIS. I think Martius did omit it, not as making any judgment of it either way, but because it sorted not aptly with action of war, being upon subjects, and without resistance. But let us, if you think good, give Martius leave to proceed in his discourse; for methought he spake like a divine |