Billeder på siden
PDF
ePub

venturously indeed; but haste was made to attack them before the rebels came in to them. After the siege of four days only, and two or three sallies, with loss on their part, they that should have made good the fort for some months, till new succours came from Spain, or at least from the rebels of Ireland, yielded up themselves without conditions at the end of those four days. And for that they were not in the English army enough to keep every man a prisoner, and for that also the deputy expected instantly to be assailed by the rebels; and, again, there were no barks to throw them into, and send them away by sea: they were all put to the sword; with which Queen Elizabeth was afterwards much displeased.

In the year 1582, was that memorable retreat of Gaunt; than the which there hath not been an exploit of war more celebrated. For in the true judgment of men of war, honourable retreats are no ways inferior to brave charges; as having less of fortune, more of discipline, and as much of valour. There were to the number of three hundred horse, and as many thousand foot English, commanded by Sir John Norris, charged by the Prince of Parma, coming upon them with seven thousand horse; besides that the whole army of Spaniards was ready to march on. Nevertheless, Sir John Norris maintained a retreat without disarray, by the space of some miles, part of the way champaign, unto the city of Gaunt, with less loss of men than the enemy: the Duke of Anjou, and the Prince of Orange, beholding this noble action from the walls of Gaunt, as in a theatre, with great admiration.

In the year 1585, followed the prosperous expedition of Drake and Carlile into the West Indies, in the which I set aside the taking of St. Jago and St. Domingo in Hispaniola, as surprises rather than encounters. But that of Carthagena, where the Spaniards had warning of our coming, and had put themselves in their full strength, was one of the hottest services, and most dangerous assaults that hath been known. For the access to the town was only by a neck of land, between the sea on the one part, and the harbour water or inner sea on the other; fortified clean over with a strong rampier and barricado; so as upon the ascent of our men, they had both great ordnance and small shot, that thundered and showered upon them from the rampier in front, and from the galleys that lay at sea in flank. And yet they forced the passage, and won the town, being likewise very well manned. As for the expedition of Sir Francis Drake, in the year 1587, for the destroying of the Spanish shipping and provision upon their own coast; as I cannot say that there intervened in that enterprise any sharp fight or encounter; so, nevertheless, it did strangely discover, either that Spain is very weak at home, or very slow to move; when they suffered a small fleet of English to make a hostile invasion or

incursion upon their havens and roads, from Cadiz to Capa Sacra, and thence to Cascais; and to fire, sink, and carry away at the least, ten thousand ton of their great shipping, besides fifty or sixty of their smaller vessels; and that in the sight, and under the favour of their forts; and almost under the eye of their great admiral, the best commander of Spain by sea, the Marquis de Santa Cruz, without ever being disputed with by any fight of importance. I remember Drake, in the vaunting style of a soldier, would call this enterprise, the singing of the King of Spain's beard.

The enterprise of eighty-eight, deserveth to be stood upon a little more fully, being a miracle of time. There armed from Spain, in the year 1588, the greatest navy that ever swam upon the sea: for though there have been far greater fleets for number, yet for the bulk and building of the ships, with the furniture of great ordnance and provisions, never the like. The design was to make, not an invasion only, but an utter conquest of this kingdom. The number of vessels were one hundred and thirty, whereof galliasses and galleons seventy-two goodly ships, like floating towers or castles, manned with thirty thousand soldiers and marines. This navy was the preparation of five whole years, at the least: it bare itself also upon divine assistance; for it received special blessing from Pope Sixtus, and was assigned as an apostolical mission for the reducement of this kingdom to the obedience of the see of Rome. And, in farther token of this holy warfare, there were amongst the rest of these ships, twelve, called by the names of the twelve apostles. But it was truly conceived, that this kingdom of England could never be overwhelmed, except the land waters came in to the sea tides. Therefore was there also in readiness in Flanders, a mighty strong army of land forces, to the number of fifty thousand veteran soldiers, under the conduct of the Duke of Parma, the best commander, next the French king, Henry the Fourth, of his time. These were designed to join with the forces at sea; there being prepared a number of flat-bottomed boats to transport the land forces, under the wing and protection of the great navy. For they made no account, but that the navy should be absolute master of the seas. Against these forces, there were prepared on our part, to the number of near one hundred ships; not so great of bulk, indeed, but of a more nimble motion, and more serviceable: besides a less fleet of thirty ships, for the custody of the narrow seas. There were also in readiness at land two armies; besides other forces, to the number of ten thousand, dispersed amongst the coast towns in the southern parts. The two armies were appointed; one of them consisting of twenty-five thousand horse and foot, for the repulsing of the enemy at their landing; and the other of twenty-five thousand for safeguard and attendance about the court and the queen's person.

general by sea had a limited commission, not to fight until the land forces were come in to them: and that the Duke of Parma had particular reaches and ends of his own underhand, to cross the design. But it was both a strange commission, and a strange obedience to a commission; for men in the midst of their own blood, and being so furiously assailed, to hold their hands, contrary to the laws of nature and necessity. And as for the Duke of Parma, he was reasonably well tempted to be true to that enterprise, by no less promise than to be made a feudatory, or beneficiary King of England, under the seignory, in chief, of the pope, and the protection of the King of Spain. Besides, it appeared that the Duke of Parma held his place long after in the favour and trust of the King of Spain, by the great employments and services that he performed in France: and, again, it is manifest, that the duke did his best to come down and to put to sea. The truth was, that the Spanish navy, upon those proofs of fight which they had with the English, finding how much hurt they received, and how little hurt they did, by reason of the activity and low building of our ships, and skill of our seamen; and being also commanded by a general of small courage and experience, and having lost at the first two of their bravest commanders at sea, Pedro de Valdez, and Michael de Oquenda, durst not put it to a battle at sea, but set up their rest wholly upon the land enterprise. On the other side, the transporting of the land forces failed in the very foundation: for whereas the council of Spain made full account, that their navy should be master of the sea, and therefore able to guard and protect the vessels of transportation; when it fell out to the contrary that the great navy was distressed, and had enough to do to save itself; and, again, that the Hollanders impounded their land forces with a brave fleet of thirty sail, excellently well appointed; things, I say, being in this state, it came to pass that the Duke of Parma must have flown if he would have come to England, for he could get neither bark nor mariner to put to sea: yet certain it is, that the duke looked still for the coming back of the Armada, even at that time when they were wandering, and making their perambulation upon the northern seas. But to return to the Armada, which we left anchored at Calais: from thence, as Sir Walter Raleigh was wont prettily to say, they were suddenly driven away with squibs; for it was no more but a stratagem of fire boats, manless, and sent upon them by the favour of the wind in the night time, that did put them in such terror, as they cut their cables, and left their anchors in the sea. After they hovered some two or three days about Graveling, and there again were beaten in a great fight; at what time our second fleet, which kept the narrow seas, was come in and joined to our Thereupon the Spaniards entering

There were also other dormant musters of soldiers
throughout all parts of the realm, that were put
in readiness, but not drawn together. The two
armies were assigned to the leading of two
generals, noble persons, but both of them rather
courtiers, and assured to the state, than martial
men; yet lined and assisted with subordinate
commanders of great experience and valour.
The fortune of the war made this enterprise at
first a play at base. The Spanish navy set forth
out of the Groyne in May, and was dispersed and
driven back by weather. Our navy set forth
somewhat later out of Plymouth, and bare up
towards the coast of Spain to have fought with
the Spanish navy; and partly by reason of con-
trary winds, partly upon advertisement that the
Spaniards were gone back, and upon some doubt
also that they might pass by towards the coast of
England, whilst we were seeking them afar off,
returned likewise into Plymouth about the middle
of July. At that time came more confident ad-
vertisement, though false, not only to the lord
admiral, but to the court, that the Spaniards could
not possibly come forward that year: whereupon
our navy was upon the point of disbanding, and
many of our men gone ashore: at which very
time the Invincible Armada, for so it was called
in a Spanish ostentation, throughout Europe, was
discovered upon the western coast. It was a
kind of surprise; for that, as was said, many of
our men were gone to land, and our ships ready
to depart. Nevertheless, the admiral, with such
ships only as could suddenly be put in readiness,
made forth towards them; insomuch as of one
hundred ships, there came scarce thirty to work.
Howbeit, with them, and such as came daily in,
we set upon them, and gave them the chase.
But the Spaniards, for want of courage, which
they called commission, declined the fight, cast-
ing themselves continually into roundels, their
strongest ships walling in the rest, and in that
manner, they made a flying march towards Calais.
Our men by the space of five or six days followed
them close, fought with them continually, made
great slaughter of their men, took two of their
great ships, and gave divers others of their ships
their death's wounds, whereof soon after they
sank and perished; and, in a word, distressed
them almost in the nature of a defeat; we our
selves in the mean time receiving little or no hurt.
Near Calais the Spaniards anchored, expecting
their land forces, which came not. It was after-
wards alleged, that the Duke of Parma did arti-
ficially delay his coming; but this was but an in-
vention and pretension given out by the Spaniards;
partly upon a Spanish envy against that duke, being
an Italian, and his son a competitor to Portugal;
but chiefly to save the monstrous scorn and dis-
reputation, which they and their nation received
by the success of that enterprise. Therefore their
colours and excuses, forsooth, were, that their main fleet.
VOL. II.-27

s 2

into farther terror, and finding also divers of their ships every day to sink, lost all courage, and instead of coming up into the Thames' mouth for London, as their design was, fled on towards the north to seek their fortunes; being still chased by the English navy at the heels, until we were fain to give them over for want of powder. The breath of Scotland the Spaniards could not endure; neither durst they as invaders land in Ireland; but only ennobled some of the coasts thereof with shipwrecks. And so going northwards aloof, as long as they had any doubt of being pursued, at last, when they were out of reach, they turned, and crossed the ocean to Spain, having lost fourscore of their ships and the greater part of their men. And this was the end of that sea-giant, the Invincible Armada: which, having not so much as fired a cottage of ours at land, nor taken a cock-boat of ours at sea, wandered through the wilderness of the northern seas; and, according to the curse in the Scripture, "came out against us one way, and fled before us seven ways;" serving only to make good the judgment of an astrologer long before given, "octogesimus octavus mirabilis annus:" or rather, to make good, even to the astonishment of all posterity, the wonderful judgments of God, poured down commonly upon vast and proud aspirings.

In the year that followed, of 1589, we gave the Spaniards no breath, but turned challengers, and invaded the main of Spain. In which enterprise, although we failed in our end, which was to settle Don Antonio in the kingdom of Portugal, yet a man shall hardly meet with an action that doth better reveal the great secret of the power of Spain; which power well sought into, will be found rather to consist in a veteran army, such as upon several occasions and pretensions they have ever had on foot, in one part or other of Christendom, now by the space of almost sixscore years, than in the strength of their dominions and provinces. For what can be more strange, or more to the disvaluation of the power of the Spaniard upon the continent, than that, with an army of eleven thousand English land soldiers, and a fleet of twentysix ships of war, besides some weak vessels for transportation, we should, within the hour-glass of two months, have won one town of importance by scalado, battered and assaulted another, overthrown great forces in the field, and that upon the disadvantage of a bridge strongly barricadoed, landed the army in three several places of his kingdom, marched seven days in the heart of his countries, lodged three nights in the suburbs of his principal city, beaten his forces into the gates thereof, possessed two of his frontier forts, and come off after all this with small loss of men, otherwise than by sickness? And it was verily thought, that had it not been for four great disfavours of that voyage, that is to say, the failing in

sundry provisions that were promised, especially of cannons for battery; the vain hopes of Don Antonio, concerning the people of the country to come in to his aid; the disappointment of the fleet that was directed to come up the river of Lisbon; and, lastly, the diseases which spread in the army by reason of the heat of the season, and of the soldiers' misrule in diet, the enterprise had succeeded, and Lisbon had been carried. But howsoever it makes proof to the world, that an invasion of a few English upon Spain may have just hopes of victory, at least of passport to depart safely.

In the year 1591 was that memorable fight of an English ship called the Revenge, under the command of Sir Richard Greenvil; memorable, I say, even beyond credit, and to the height of some heroical fable: and though it were a defeat, yet it exceeded a victory; being like the act of Samson, that killed more men at his death, than he had done in the time of all his life. This ship, for the space of fifteen hours, sat like a stag among hounds at the bay, and was sieged, and fought with, in turn, by fifteen great ships of Spain, part of a navy of fifty-five ships in all; the rest, like abettors, looking on afar off. And amongst the fifteen ships that fought, the great S. Philippo was one; a ship of fifteen hundred tons, prince of the twelve sea-apostles, which was right glad when she was shifted off from the Revenge. This brave ship, the Revenge, being manned only with two hundred soldiers and mariners, whereof eighty lay sick; yet, nevertheless, after a fight maintained, as was said, of fifteen hours, and two ships of the enemy sunk by her side, besides many more torn and battered, and great slaughter of men, never came to be entered, but was taken by composition; the enemies themselves having in admiration the virtue of the commander, and the whole tragedy of that ship.

In the year 1596 was the second invasion that we made upon the main territories of Spain; prosperously achieved by that worthy and famous Robert, Earl of Essex, in concert with the noble Earl of Nottingham, that now liveth, then admiral. This journey was like lightning; for in the space of fourteen hours the King of Spain's navy was destroyed, and the town of Cadiz taken. The navy was no less than fifty tall ships, besides twenty galleys to attend them. The ships were straightways beaten, and put to flight with such terror, as the Spaniards in the end were their own executioners, and fired them all with their own hands. The galleys, by the benefit of the shores and shallows, got away. The town was a fair, strong, well built, and rich city; famous in antiquity, and now most spoken of for this disaster. It was manned with four thousand soldiers foot, and some four hundred horse; it was sacked and burned, though great clemency was used towards the inhabitants. But that which is no less strange than the sudden victory, is the great

patience of the Spaniards; who, though we stayed upon the place divers days, yet never offered us any play then, nor never put us in suit by any action of revenge or reparation at any time after.

In the year 1600 was the battle of Newport in the Low Countries, where the armies of the archduke, and the States, tried it out by a just battle. This was the only battle that was fought in those countries these many years. For battles in the French wars have been frequent, but in the wars of Flanders rare, as the nature of a defensive requireth. The forces of both armies were not much unequal: that of the States exceeded somewhat in number, but that again was recompensed in the quality of the soldiers; for those of the Spanish part were of the flower of all their forces. The archduke was the assailant, and the preventer, and had the fruit of his diligence and celerity. For he had charged certain companies of Scottish men, to the number of eight hundred, sent to make good a passage, and thereby severed from the body of the army, and cut them all in pieces: for they, like a brave infantry, when they could make no honourable retreat, and would take no dishonourable flight, made good the place with their lives. This entrance of the battle did whet the courage of the Spaniards, though it dulled their swords: so as they came proudly on, confident to defeat the whole army. The encounter of the main battle which followed, was a just encounter, not hastening to a sudden rout, nor the fortune of the day resting upon a few former ranks, but fought out to the proof by several squadrons, and not without variety of success; "Stat pedi pes denBusque viro vir." There fell out an error in the Dutch army, by the overhasty medley of some of their men with the enemies, which hindered the playing of their great ordnance. But the end was that the Spaniards were utterly defeated, and near five thousand of their men in the fight, and in the execution, slain and taken; amongst whom were many of the principal persons of their army. The honour of the day was, both by the enemy and the Dutch themselves, ascribed unto the English; of whom Sir Francis Vere, in a private commentary which he wrote of that service, leaveth testified, that of fifteen hundred in number, for they were no more, eight hundred were slain in the field and, which is almost incredible in a day of victory, of the remaining seven hundred two men only came off unhurt. Amongst the rest Sir Francis Vere himself had the principal honour of the service, unto whom the Prince of Orange, as is said, did transmit the direction of the army for that day; and in the next place Sir Horace Vere, his brother, that now liveth, who was the principal in the active part. The service also of Sir Edward Cecil, Sir John Ogle, and divers other brave gentlemen, was eminent.

In the year 1601, followed the battle of Kinsale, in Ireland. By this Spanish. invasion of

Ireland, which was in September that year, a man may guess how long time a Spaniard will live in Irish ground; which is a matter of a quarter of a year, or four months at most. For they had all the advantages in the world; and no man would have thought, considering the small forces employed against them, that they could have been driven out so soon. They obtained, without resistance, in the end of September, the town of Kinsale; a small garrison of one hundred and fifty English leaving the town upon the Spaniards' approach, and the townsmen receiving the foreigners as friends. The number of Spaniards that put themselves into Kinsale, was two thousand men, soldiers of old bands, under the command of Don John d'Aquila, a man of good valour. The town was strong of itself; neither wanted there any industry to fortify it on all parts, and make it tenable, according to the skill and discipline of Spanish fortification. At that time the rebels were proud, being encouraged upon former successes; for though the then deputy, the Lord Mountjoy, and Sir George Carew, President of Munster, had performed divers good services to their prejudice; yet the defeat they had given the English at Blackwater, not long before, and their treaty, too much to their honour, with the Earl of Essex, was yet fresh in their memory. The deputy lost no time, but made haste to have recovered the town before new succours came, and sat down before it in October, and laid siege to it by the space of three winter months or more: during which time sallies were made by the Spaniard, but they were beaten in with loss. In January came fresh succours from Spain, to the number of two thousand more, under the conduct of Alonzo d'Ocampo. Upon the comforts of these succours, Tyrone and Odonnell drew up their forces together, to the number of seven thousand, besides the Spanish regiments, and took the field, resolved to rescue the town, and to give the English battle. So here was the case: an army of English, of some six thousand, wasted, and tired with a long winter's siege, engaged in the midst, between an army of a greater number than themselves, fresh and in vigour, on the one side; and a town strong in fortification, and strong in men, on the other. But what was the event? This, in few words: that after the Irish and Spanish forces had come on, and showed themselves in some bravery, they were content to give the English the honour as to charge them first; and when it came to the charge, there appeared no other difference between the valour of the Irish rebels and the Spaniards, but that the one ran away before they were charged, and the other straight after. And, again, the Spaniards that were in the town had so good memories of their losses in their former sallies, as the confidence of an army, which came for their deliverance, could

los Corientes, with some small offer of fight, and came off with loss; although it was such a new thing for the Spaniards to receive so little hurt upon dealing with the English, as Avellaneda made great brags of it, for no greater matter than the waiting upon the English afar off, from Cape de los Corientes to Cape Antonio; which, nevertheless, in the language of a soldier, and of a Spaniard, he called a chase.

not draw them forth again. To conclude: there | Spaniards did but salute them, about the Cape de succeeded an absolute victory for the English, with the slaughter of above two thousand of the enemy; the taking of nine ensigns, whereof six Spanish; the taking of the Spanish general, d'Ocampo, prisoner; and this with the loss of so few of the English as is scarce credible; being, as hath been rather confidently than credibly reported, but of one man, the cornet of Sir Richard Greame; though not a few hurt. There followed immediately after the defeat a present yielding up of the town by composition; and not only so, but an avoiding, by express articles of treaty accorded, of all other Spanish forces throughout all Ireland, from the places and nests where they had settled themselves in greater strength, as in regard of the natural situation of the places, than that was of Kinsale; which were Castlehaven, Baltimore, and Beerehaven. Indeed they went away with sound of trumpet, for they did nothing but publish and trumpet all the reproaches they could devise, against the Irish land and nation; insomuch as d'Aquila said in open treaty, that when the devil upon the mount did show Christ all the kingdoms of the earth, and the glory of them, he did not doubt but the devil left out Ireland, and kept it for himself.

I cease here; omitting not a few other proofs of the English valour and fortunes, in these latter times; as at the suburbs of Paris, at the Raveline, at Druse in Normandy, some encounters in Britanny, and at Ostend, and divers others; partly because some of them have not been proper encounters between the Spaniards and the English; and partly because others of them have not been of that greatness, as to have sorted in company with the particulars formerly recited. It is true, that amongst all the late adventures, the voyage of Sir Francis Drake, and Sir John Hawkins into the West Indies, was unfortunate; yet, in such sort as it doth not break or interrupt our prescription, to have had the better of the Spaniards upon all fights of late. For the disaster of that journey was caused chiefly by sickness; as might well appear by the deaths of both the generals, Sir Francis Drake, and Sir John Hawkins, of the same sickness amongst the rest. The land enterprise of Panama was an ill measured and immature counsel: for it was grounded upon a false account, that the passages towards Panama were no better fortified than Drake had left them. But yet it sorted not to any fight of importance, but to a retreat, after the English had proved the strength of their first fort, and had notice of the two other forts beyond, by which they were to have marched. It is true, that in the return of the English fleet they were set upon by Avellaneda, admiral of twenty great ships, Spanish, our fleet being but fourteen, full of sick men, deprived of their two generals by sea, and having no pretence but to journey homewards: and yet the

But, before I proceed farther, it is good to meet with an objection, which if it be not removed, the conclusion of experience from the time past, to the time present, will not be sound and perfect. For it will be said, that in the former times, whereof we have spoken, Spain was not so mighty as now it is; and England, on the other side, was more aforehand in all matters of power. Therefore, let us compare with indifferency these disparities of times, and we shall plainly perceive, that they make for the advantage of England at this present time. And because we will less wander in generalities, we will fix the comparison to precise times; comparing the state of Spain and England in the year eighty-eight, with this present year that now runneth. In handling of this point, I will not meddle with any personal comparisons of the princes, counsellors, and commanders by sea or land, that were then, and that are now, in both kingdoms, Spain and England; but only rest upon real points, for the true balancing of the state of the forces and affairs of both times. And yet these personal comparisons I omit not, but that I could evidently show, that even in these personal respects the balance sways on our part; but because I would say nothing that may savour of a spirit of flattery or censure of the present. government.

First, therefore, it is certain, that Spain hath not now one foot of ground in quiet possession more than it had in eighty-eight. As for theValtoline and the Palatinate, it is a maxim in state, that all countries of new acquest, till they be settled, are rather matters of burden, than of strength. On the other side, England hath Scotland united, and Ireland reduced to obedience, and planted; which are mighty augmentations.

Secondly, in eighty-eight, the kingdom of France, able alone to counterpoise Spain itself, much more in conjunction, was torn with the party of the league, which gave law to their king, and depended wholly upon Spain. Now France is united under a valiant young king, generally obeyed if he will, himself King of Navarre as well as of France; and that is no ways taken prisoner, though he be tied in a double chain of alliance with Spain.

Thirdly, in eighty-eight, there sat in the see of Rome a fierce thundering friar, that would set all at six and seven; or at six and five, if you allude to his name: and though he would after have

« ForrigeFortsæt »