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the kings ever kept it in “scrinio pectoris,” | when it should be blown abroad; rather, I say, in the shrines of their own breast, assisted and than that we did in any sort determine by this advised by their council of estate.

their overture, to do that wrong to his highness's Inasmuch as his lordship did conclude his supreme power, which haply might be inferred by enumeration of precedents with a notable prece- those that were rather apt to make evil than good dent in the seventeenth year of King Richard II., illations of our proceedings. And yet, that their a prince of no such glory nor strength; and yet lordships, for the reasons before made, must when he made offer to the Commons in parliament plainly tell us, that they neither could nor would that they should take into their considerations concur with us, nor approve the course; and matter of war and peace then in hand; the therefore concluded, that it would not be amiss Commons, in modesty, excused themselves, and for us, for our better contentment, to behold the answered, “ The Commons will not presume to conditions of the last peace with Spain, which treat of so high a charge.” Out of all which pre-were of a strange nature to him that duly observes cedents his lordship made this inference, that as them; no forces recalled out of the Low Coun“ dies diem docet,' so by these examples wise tries; no new forces, as to voluntaries, restrained men will be admonished to forbear those petitions to go thither; so as the king may be in peace, to princes, which are not likely to have either a and never a subject in England but may be in welcome hearing, or an effectual answer. war: and then to think thus with ourselves, that

And for prejudice that might come of handling that king, which would give no ground in making and debating matter of war and peace in parlia- his peace, will not lose any ground, upon just ment, he doubted not, but that the wisdom of this provocation, to enter into an honourable war. And House did conceive upon what secret considera- that in the mean time we should know thus much, tions and motives that point did depend. For that that there could not be more forcible negotiation there is no king which will providently and ma- on the king's part, but blows, to procure remedy turely enter into a war, but will first balance his of those wrongs; nor more fair promises on the own forces; seek to anticipate confederacies and King of Spain's part, to give contentment conalliances, revoke his merchants, find an opportu- cerning the same; and, therefore, that the event nity of the first breach, and many other points, must be expected. which, if they once do but take wind, will prove And thus, Mr. Speaker, have I passed over the vain and frustrate. And, therefore, that this speech of this worthy lord, whose speeches, as I matter, which is “ arcanum imperii,” one of the have often said, in regard of his place and judge highest mysteries of estate, must be suffered to be ment, are extraordinary lights to this House; and kept within the veil: his lordship adding, that have both the properties of light, that is, conducthe knew not well whether, in that which he had ing, and comforting. And although, Mr. Speaker, already said out of an extreme desire to give us a man would have thought nothing had been left satisfaction, he had not communicated more parti- to be said, yet I shall now give you account of culars than perhaps was requisite. Nevertheless, another speech, full of excellent matter and ornahe confessed, that sometimes parliaments have ments, and without iteration: which, neverthebeen made acquainted with matter of war and less, I shall report more compendiously, because peace in a generality: but it was upon one of I will not offer the speech that wrong, as to report these two motives; when the king and council it at large, when your minds percase and attenconceived that either it was material to have some tions are already wearied. declaration of the zeal and affection of the peo- The other earl, who usually doth bear a principle; or else when the king needed to demand pal part upon all important occasions, used a moneys and aids for the charge of the wars; speech, first of preface, then of argument. In his wherein if things did sort to war, we were sure preface he did deliver, that he was persuaded that enough to hear of it: his lordship hoping that his both Houses did differ rather in credulity and bemajesty would find in us no less readiness to sup- lief, than in intention and desire : for it might be port it than to persuade it.

their lordships did not believe the information so Now, Mr. Speaker, for the last part wherein far, but yet desired the reformation as much. his lordship considered the petition, as it was re- His lordship said farther, that the merchant commended from us to the Upper House; his was a state and degree of persons, not only to be lordship delivered thus much from their lord- respected, but to be prayed for, and graced them ships; that they would make a good construction with the best additions; that they were the conof our desires, as those which they conceived did voys of our supplies, the vents of our abundance, rather spring out of a feeling of the king's Neptune's almsmen, and fortune's adventurers. strength, and out of a feeling of the subjects' His lordship proceeded and said, this question wrongs; nay, more, out of a wisdom and depth to was new to us, but ancient them; assuring us, declare our forwardness, if need were, to assist that the king did not bear in vain the device of his majesty's future resolutions, which declaration the thistle, with the word, “ Nemo me lacessit might be of good use for his majesty's service, impune;" and that as the multiplying of his kinge

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doms maketh him feel his own power; so the His lordship's third reason was, that kings did multiplying of our loves and affections made him so love to imitate - primum mobile,” as that they to feel our griefs.

do not like to move in borrowed motions ; so that For the arguments or reasons, they were five in in those things that they do most willingly intend, number, which his lordship used for satisfying us yet they endure not to be prevented by request: why their lordships might not concur with us in whereof he did allege a notable example in King this petition. The first was the composition of our Edward III., who would not hearken to the petiHouse, which he took in the first foundation tion of his Commons, that besought him to make thereof to be merely democratical, consisting of the Black Prince Prince of Wales : but yet, after knights of shires and burgesses of towns, and in- that repulse of their petition, out of his own mere tended to be of those that have their residence, motion he created him. vocation, and employment in the places for which His lordship's fourth reason was, that it might they serve: and therefore to have a private and be some scandal to step between the king and his local wisdom, according to that compass, and so own virtue; and that it was the duty of subjects pot fit to examine or determine secrets of estate, rather to take honours from king's servants and which depend upon such variety of circum- give them to kings, than to take honours from stances; and therefore added to the precedent kings and give them to their servants : which he formerly vouched, of the seventeenth of King did very elegantly set forth in the example of Richard II., when the Commons disclaimed to in- Joab, who, lying at the siege of Rabbah, and findtermeddle in matter of war and peace; that their ing it could not hold out, writ to David to come answer was, that they would not presume to treat and take the honour of taking the town. of so high and variable a matter. And although His lordship’s last reason was, that it may cast his lordship acknowledged that there be divers some aspersion upon his majesty; implying, as gentlemen, in the mixture of our House that are if the king slept out the sobs of his subjects, of good capacity and insight in matters of estate; until he was awaked with the thunderbolt of a yet that was the accident of the person, and not parliament. the intention of the place; and things were to be But his lordship’s conclusion was very noble, taken in the institution, not in the practice. which was with a protestation, that what civil

His lordship's second reason was, that both by threats, contestation, art, and argument can do, philosophy and civil law, “ordinatio belli et pacis hath been used already to procure remedy in this est absoluti imperii,” a principal flower of the cause; and a promise, that if reason of state did crown; which flowers ought to be so dear unto permit, as their lordships were ready to spend us, as we ought, if need were, to water them with their breath in the pleading of that we desire, so our blood : for if those flowers should, by neglect, they would be ready to spend their bloods in the or upon facility and good affection, wither and execution thereof. fall, the garland would not be worth the wearing. This was the substance of that which passed.

NOTES OF A SPEECH

CONCERNING A WAR WITH SPAIN.

That ye conceive there will be little difference | are three things required: a just quarrel ; suffiin opinion, but that all will advise the king not cient forces and provisions; and a prudent and to entertain further a treaty, wherein he hath been politic choice of the designs and actions whereby 80 manifestly and so long deluded.

the war shall be managed. That the difficulty, therefore, will be in the con- For the quarrel, there cannot be a more just sequences thereof; for to the breach of treaty, quarrel by the laws both of nature and nations, doth necessarily succeed a despair of recovering than for the recovery of the ancient patrimony of the palatinate by treaty, and so the business fall- the king's children, gotten from them by an eth upon a war. And to that you will apply your usurping sword, and an insidious treaty. speech, as being the point of importance, and, But further, that the war well considered is not besides, most agreeable to your profession and for the palatinate only, but for England and place.

Scotland; for if we stay till the Low CountryTo a war, such as may promise success, there I men be ruined, and the party of the Papists within

the realnı be grown too strong, England, Scotland, of the gentleness of Spain, which suffered us to and Ireland are at the stake.

go and come without any dispute. And for the Neither doth it concern the state only, but our latter, of Cales, it ended in victory; we ravished church: other kings, Papists, content themselves a principal city of wealth and strength in the high to maintain their religion, in their own dominions; countries, sacked it, fired the Indian fleet that was but the kings of Spain run a course to make them in the port, and came home in triumph; and yet selves protectors of the Popish religion, even to this day were never put in suit for it, nor deamongst the subjects of other kings: almost like manded reasons for our doings. You ought not the Ottomans, that profess to plant the law of to forgot the baitle of kinsale in Ireland, what Mahomet by the sword; and so the Spaniards do time the Spanish forces were joined with the of the pope's law. And, therefore, if either the Irish, good soldiers as themselves, or better, and king's blood, or our blood, or Christ's blood be exceeded us far in number, and yet they were soon dear unto us, the quarrel is just, and to be em- defeated, and their general D'Avila taken pribraced.

soner, and that war by that battle quenched and For the point of sufficient forces, the balancing ended. of the forces of these kingdoins and their allies, And it is worthy to be noted how much our with Spain and their allies, you know to be a power in those days was inferior to our present matter of great and weighty consideration; but state. Then, a lady old, and owner only of Eng. yet to weigh them in a common understanding, land, entangled with the revolt of Ireland, and her for your part, you are of opinion that Spain is no confederates of Holland much weaker, and in no such giant; or if he be a giant, it will be but like conjuncture. Now, a famous king, and strength. Goliath and David, for God will be on our side. ened with a prince of singular expectation, and in

But to leave these spiritual considerations: you the prime of his years, owner of the entire isle of do not see in true discourse of peace and war, Britain, enjoying Ireland populate and quiet, and that we ought to doubt to be overmatched. To infinitely more supported by confederates of the this opinion you are led by two things which lead Low Countries, Denmark, divers of the princes all men; by experience, and by reason.

of Germany, and others. As for the comparison For experience; you do not find that for this of Spain as it was then, and as it is now, you age, take it for 100 years, there was ever any en- will for good respects forbear to speak; only you counter between Spanish and English of import. will say this, that Spain was then reputed 10 have ance, either by sea or land, but the English came the wisest council of Europe, and not a council off with the honour; witness the Lammas day, that will come at the whistle of a favourite. the retreat of Gaunt, the battle of Newport, and Another point of experience you would not some others: but there have been some actions, speak of, if it were not that there is a wonderful both by sea and land, so memorable as scarce erroneous observation, which walketh about, consuffer the less to be spoken of. By sea, that of trary to all the true account of time; and it is, that eighty-eight, when the Spaniards, putting them the Spaniard, where he once gets in, will seldom selves most upon their stirrups, sent forth that or never be got out again; and they give it an illinvincible armada which should have swallowed favoured simile, which you will not name, but up England quick; the success whereof was, that nothing is less true: they got footing at Brest, although that ieet swam like mountains upon our and some other parts in Britain, and quitted it: seas, yet they did not so much as take a cock-boat they had Calais, Ardes, Amiens, and were part of ours at sea, nor fire a cottage at land, but came beaten out, and part they rendered: they had through our channel, and were driven, as Sir Walter Vercelles in Savoy, and fairly left it: they had Raleigh says, by squibs, fire-boats he means, from the other day the Valtoline, and now have put it Calais, and were soundly beaten by our ships in in deposit. What they will do at Ormus we fight, and many of them sunk, and finally durst shall see. So that, to speak truly of latter times, not return the way they came, but made a scat- they have rather poached and offered at a number tered perambulation, full of shipwrecks, by the of enterprises, than maintained any constantly. Irish and Scottish seas to get home again; just And for Germany, in more ancient time, their according to the curse of the Scriptures, “ that great Emperor Charles, after he had Germany althey came out against us one way, and fled before most in his fist, was forced in the end to go from us seven ways.” By land, who can forget the Isburgh, as it were in a mask by torch-light, and two voyages made upon the continent itself of to quit every foot of his new acquests in GerSpain, that of Lisbon, and that of Cales, when in inany, which you hope likewise will be the herethe former we knocked at the gates of the greatest ditary issue of this late purchase of the Palaticity either of Spain or Portugal, and came off nate. And thus much for experience. without seeing an enemy to look us in the face. For reason: it hath many branches; you will And though we failed in our foundation, for that but extract a few first. It is a nation thin sown Antonio, whom we thought to replace in his king of men, partly hy reason of the sterility of their dom, found no party at all, yet it was a true trial | soil, and partly because their natives are exhaust

by so many employments in such vast territories causes of poverty and consumption. The nature as they possess, so that it hath been counted a of this war, you are persuaded, will be matter kind of miracle to see together ten or twelve of restorative and enriching ; so that, if we go thousand native Spaniards in an army. And al-roundly on with supplies and provisions at the though they have at this time great numbers of first, the war in continuance will find itself. miscellany soldiers in their armies and garrisons, That you do but point at this, and will not enyet, if there should be the misfortune of a battle, large it. they are ever long about it to draw on supplies. Lastly, That it is not a little to be considered,

They tell a tale of a Spanish ambassador that that the greatness of Spain is not only distracted was brought to see their treasury of St. Mark at extremely, and therefore of less force; but built Venice, and still he looked down to the ground; upon no very sound foundations, and therefore and being asked the reason, said, “ he was look- they have the less strength by any assured and ing to see whether the treasure had any root, so confident confederacy. With France they are in that, if that were spent, it would grow again; as competition for Navarre, Milan, Naples, and the his master's had.” But, howsoever it be of their Franche County of Burgundy; with the see of treasure, certainly their forces have scarcely any Rome, for Naples also; for Portugal, with the root, or at least such a root as putteth forth very right heirs of that line; for that they have in their poorly and slowly; whereas, there is not in the Low Countries, with the United Provinces; for world again such a spring and seminary of mili- Ormus, now, with Persia; for Valencia, with the tary people as is England, Scotland, and Ireland, Moors expulsed and their confederates ; for the nor of seamen as is this island and the Low East and West Indies, with all the world. So Countries : so as if the wars should mow them that, if every bird had his feather, Spain would be down, yet they suddenly may be supplied and left wonderful naked. But yet there is a greater come up again.

confederation against them than by means of any A second reason is, and it is the principal, that of these quarrels or titles; and that is contracted if we truly consider the greatness of Spain, it by the fear that almost all nations have of their consisteth chiefly in their treasure, and their trea- ambition, whereof men see no end. And thus sure in their Indies, and their Indies, both of much for balancing of their forces. them, is but an accession to such as are masters For the last point, which is the choice of the by sea; so as this axle-tree, whereupon their designs and enterprises, in which to conduct the greatness turns, is soon cut a-two by any that war; you will not now speak, because you should shall be stronger than they at sea. So then you be forced to descend to divers particulars, wherereport yourself to their opinions, and the opinions of some are of a more open, and some of a more of all men, enemies or whosoever; whether that secret nature. But that you would move the House the maritime forces of Britain and the Low Coun- to make a selected committee for that purpose; not tries are not able to beat them at sea. For if that to estrange the House in any sort, but to prepare be, you see the chain is broken from shipping to things for them, giving them power and commission Indies, from Indies to treasure, and from treasure to call before them, and to confer with any martial to greatness.

men or others that are not of the House, that they The third reason, which hath some affinity shall think fit, for their advice and information: with this second, is a point comfortable to hear in and so to give an account of the business to a the state that we now are: wars are generally general committee of the whole House.

CONSIDERATIONS

TOUCHING A WAR WITH SPAIN.

INSCRIBED TO PRINCE CHARLES,

ANNO MDCXXIV.

Your highness hath an imperial name. It was a lif the king shall enter into it, is a mighty work: Charles that brought the empire first into France ; it requireth strong materials, and active motions. a Charles that brought it first into Spain; why that sait not so, is zealous, but not according should not Great Britain have its turn ? But to lay to knowledge. But, nevertheless, Spain is no such aside all that may seem to have a show of fumes giant, and he that thinketh Spain to be some and fancies, and to speak solids: a war with Spain, great overmatch for this estate, assisted as it is

Vol. II.-26

and may be, is no good mintman; but takes positively and resolutely; that it is impossible an greatness of kingdoms according to their bulk and elective monarchy should be so free and absoluto currency, and not after their intrinsic value. as an hereditary; no more than it is possible for Although, therefore, I had wholly sequestered my a father to have so full power and interest in an thoughts from civil affairs, yet, because it is new adoptive son as in a natural; “ quia naturalis obcage, and concerneth my country infinitely, I ob- ligatio fortior civili.” And again, that received tained of myself to set down, out of long con- maxim is almost unshaken and infallible; “ Nil tinued experience in business of estate, and much magis naturæ consentaneum est, quam ut iisdem conversation in books of policy and history, what modis res dissolvantur, quibus constituuntur.” I thought pertinent to this business; and in all So that if the part of the people or estate be somehumbleness present it to your highness: hoping what in the election, you cannot make them nulls that at least you will discern the strength of my or ciphers in the privation or translation. And if affection through the weakness of my abilities: it be said, that this is a dangerous opinion for the for the Spaniard hath a good proverb, “ De suario pope, emperor, and elective kings; it is true, it is si empre con la calentura;" there is no heat of a dangerous opinion, and ought to be a dangerous affection, but is joined with some idleness of brain. opinion, to such personal popes, emperors, or

To a war are required, a just quarrel; sufficient elective kings, as shall transcend their limits, and forces and provisions; and a prudenț choice of become tyrannical. But it is a safe and sound the designs. So, then, I will first justify the quar- opinion for their sees, empires, and kingdoms; rel; secondly, balance the forces; and lastly, and for themselves also, if they be wise; “ plenipropound variety of designs for choice, but not tudo potestatis est plenitudo tempestatis.” But advise the choice; for that were not fit for a the chief cause why I do not search into this writing of this nature; neither is it a subject point is, because I need it not. And in handling within the level of my judgment; I being, in the right of a war, I am not willing to intermix effect, a stranger to the present occurrences. matter doubtful with that which is out of doubt.

Wars, I speak not of ambitious predatory wars, For as in capital causes, wherein but one man's are suits of appeal to the tribunal of God's justice, life is in question, " in favorem vitæ" the evidence where there are no superiors on earth to determine ought to be clear; so much more in a judgthe cause : and they are, as civil pleas are, plaints, ment upon a war, which is capital to thousands. or defences. There are therefore three just I suppose therefore the worst, that the offensive grounds of war with Spain: one plaint, two upon war upon Bohemia had been unjust; and then defence. Solomon saith, “ A cord of three is not make the case, which is no sooner made than reeasily broken:" but especially when every of the solved; if it be made not enwrapped, but plainly lines would hold single by itself. They are and perspicuously. It is this " in thesi.” An offenthese: the recovery of the Palatinate ; a just fear sive war is made, which is unjust in the aggresof the subversion of our civil estate; a just fear sor; the prosecution and race of the war carrieth of the subversion of our church and religion. For, the defendant to assail and invade the ancient and in the handling of the two last grounds of war, I indubitate patrimony of the first aggressor, who shall make it plain, that wars preventive upon is now turned defendant; shall he sit down and not just fears are true defensives, as well as upon put himself in defence ? Or if he be dispossessed, actual invasions : and again, that wars defensive shall he not make a war for the recovery? No for religion, I speak not of rebellion, are most man is so poor of judgment as will affirm it. The just: though offensive wars for religion are sel- castle of Cadmus was taken, and the city of dom to be approved, or never, unless they have Thebes itself invested by Phæbidas the Lacedæsome mixture of civil titles. But all that I shall monian, insidiously, and in violation of league : say in this whole argument, will be but like bot- the process of this action drew on a re-surprise of toms of thread close wound up, which, with a the castle by the Thebans, a recovery of the good needle, perhaps, may be flourished into large town, and a current of the war even unto the walls works.

of Sparta. I demand, was the defence of the city For the asserting of the justice of the quarrel, of Sparta, and the expulsion of the Thebans out for the recovery of the Palatinate, I shall not go so of the Laconian territories, unjust? The sharing high as to discuss the right of the war of Bohe- of that part of the duchy of Milan, which lieth mia; which if it be freed from doubt on our part, upon the river of Adda, by the Venetians, upon then there is no colour nor shadow why the Pala- contract with the French, was an ambitious and tinate should be retained ; the ravishing whereof unjust purchase. This wheel set on going, did was a mere excursion of the first wrong, and a pour a war upon the Venetians with such a temsuper injustice. But I do not take myself to be pest, as Padua and Trevigi were taken from them, so perfect in the customs, transactions, and privi- and all their dominions upon the continent of Italy leges of that kingdom of Bohemia, as to be fit to abandoned, and they confined within the salt handle that part: and I will not offer at that I waters. Will any man say, that the memorable cannot master. Yet this I will say, in passage, recovery and defence of Padua, when the gentle.

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