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larity, that the riches of any occasion, or the tide | my letter, I do think much letting blood, "in of any opportunity, can possibly minister or offer; declinatione morbi," is against method of cure: and that is the causes of Ireland, if they be taken and that it will but induce necessity, and exaspeby the right handle. For if the wound be not rate despair: and percase discover the hollowness ripped up again, and come to a recrudency by of that which is done already, which now blazeth new foreign succours, I think that no physician to the best show. For laglia's and proscriptions will go on much with letting of blood, "in decli- of two or three of the principal rebels, they are, no natione morbi ;" but will intend to purge and cor- doubt, "jure gentium," lawful: in Italy usually roborate. To which purpose I send you mine practised upon the banditti; best in season when opinion, without labour of words, in the enclosed; a side goeth down: and may do good in two and sure I am, that if you shall enter into the kinds; the one, if they take effect: the other, in matter according to the vivacity of your own the distrust which may follow amongst the rebels spirit, nothing can make unto you a more gainful themselves. But of all other points, to my return. For you shall make the queen's felicity understanding, the most effectual is, the well complete, which now, as it is, is incomparable: expressing or impressing the design of this state, and for yourself, you shall show yourself as good upon that miserable and desolate kingdom; cona patriot as you are thought a politic, and make taining the same, between these two lists or the world perceive you have not less generous boundaries; the one, that the queen seeketh not ends, than dexterous delivery of yourself towards your ends; and that you have as well true arts and grounds of government, as the facility of practice and negotiation; and that you are as well seen in the periods and tides of estates, as in your own circle and way: than the which, I suppose, nothing can be a better addition and accumulation of honour unto you. This, I hope, I may in privateness write, either as a kinsman, that may be bold; or as a scholar, that hath liberty of discourse, without committing any absurdity. But if it seemeth any error in me thus to intromit myself, I pray your honour to believe, I ever loved her majesty and the state, and now love yourself; and there is never any vehement love without some absurdity, as the Spaniard well says: "desuario con la calentura." So, desiring your honour's pardon, I ever continue.

CONSIDERATIONS TOUCHING THE QUEEN'S
SERVICE IN IRELAND.

The reduction of that country, as well to civility and justice, as to obedience and peace, which things, as affairs now stand, I hold to be inseparable, consisteth in four points:

1. The extinguishing of the relics of the war.
2. The recovery of the hearts of the people.
3. The removing of the root and occasions of
new troubles.

4. Plantations and buildings.

For the first; concerning the places and times, and particularities of farther prosecution, in fact, I leave it to the opinion of men of war; only the difficulty is, to distinguish and discern the propositions, which shall be according to the ends of the state here, that is, final and summary towards the extirpation of the troubles, from those, which, though they pretend public ends, yet may refer indeed to the more private and compendious ends of the council there: or of the particular governors or captains. But still, as I touched in * Resuscitatio, 264.

an extirpation of that people, but a reduction; and that, now she hath chastised them by her royal power and arms, according to the necessity of the occasion, her majesty taketh no pleasure in effusion of blood, or displanting of ancient generations. The other, that her majesty's princely care is principally and intentionally bent upon the action of Ireland; and that she seeketh not so much the ease of charge, as the royal performance of the office of protection, and reclaim of those her subjects: and, in a word, that the case is altered so far as may stand with the honour of the time past: which it is easy to reconcile, as in my last note I showed. And, again, I do repeat, that if her majesty's design be "ex professo❞ to reduce wild and barbarous people to civility and justice, as well as to reduce rebels to obedience, it makes weakness turn Christianity, and conditions graces; and so hath a fineness in turning utility upon point of honour, which is agreeable to the humour of these times. And, besides, if her majesty shall suddenly abate the lists of her forces, and shall do nothing to countervail it in point of reputation, of a politic proceeding, I doubt things may too soon fall back into the state they were in. Next to this; adding reputation to the cause, by imprinting an opinion of her majesty's care and intention upon this action, is the taking away of reputation from the contrary side, by cutting off the opinion and expectation of foreign succours; to which purpose this enterprise of Algiers, if it hold according to the advertisement, and if it be not wrapped up in the period of this summer, seemeth to be an opportunity "cœlitus demissa." And to the same purpose nothing can be more fit than a treaty or a shadow of a treaty of a peace with Spain, which methinks should be in our power to fasten at least "rumore tenus," to the deluding of as wise people as the Irish. Lastly, for this point; that which the ancients called "potestas facta redeundi ad sanitatem;" and which is but a mockery when the enemy is strong, or proud, but effectual

in his declination; that is, a liberal proclama- | And the hesitation in this point, I think, hath been tion of grace and pardon to such as shall sub- a great casting back of the affairs there. Neither mit, and come in within a time prefixed, and of some farther reward, to such as shall bring others in; that one's sword may be sharpened by another's, is a matter of good experience, and now, I think, will come in time. And percase, though I wish the exclusions of such a pardon exceeding few, yet it will not be safe to continue some of them in their strength, but to translate them and their generations into England: and give them recompense and satisfaction here for their possessions there, as the King of Spain did, by divers families of Portugal. To the effecting of all the points aforesaid, and likewise those which fall within the divisions following, nothing can be in priority, either time or matter, better than the sending of some commission of countenance, "ad res inspiciendas et componendas;" for it will be a very significant demonstration of her majesty's care of that kingdom; a credence to any that shall come in and submit; a bridle to any that shall have their fortunes there, and shall apply their propositions to private ends; and an evidence that her majesty, after arms laid down, speedily pursueth a politic course, without neglect or respiration and it hath been the wisdom of the best examples of government.

Towards the recovery of the hearts of the people, there be but three things, "in natura rerum." 1. Religion.

2. Justice and protection. 3. Obligation and reward.

if any English papist or recusant shall, for liberty of his conscience, transfer his person, family, and fortunes thither; do I hold it a matter of danger, but expedient to draw on undertaking, and to further population. Neither if Rome will cozen itself, by conceiving it may be in some degree to the like toleration in England, do I hold it a matter of any moment; but rather a good mean to take off the fierceness and eagerness of the humour of Rome, and to stay further excommunications or interdictions for Ireland. But there would go hand in hand with this, some course of advancing religion indeed, where the people is capable thereof; as the sending over some good preachers, especially of that sort which are vehement and zealous persuaders, and not scholastical, to be resident in principal towns; endowing them with some stipends out of her majesty's revenues, as her majesty hath most religiously and graciously done in Lancashire: and the recontinuing and replenishing the college begun at Dublin, the placing of good men to be bishops in the sees there, and the taking care of the versions of Bibles and catechisms, and other books of instruction, into the Irish language; and the like religious courses, both for the honour of God, and for the avoiding of scandal and insatisfaction here, by the show of a toleration of religion in some parts there.

For justice; the barbarism and desolation of the country considered, it is not possible they should find any sweetness at all of justice: if it should be, which hath been the error of times past, formal, and fetched far off from the state; because it will require running up and down from process; and give occasion for polling and exactions by fees, and many other delays and charges. And therefore there must be an interim in which the justice must be only summary: the rather, because it is fit and safe for a time the country do participate of martial government; and, therefore, I could wish in every principal town or place of habitation, there were a captain or governor; and a judge, such as recorders, and learned stewards are here in corporations, who may have a prerogative commission to hear and determine "secundum sanam discretionem;" and as near as may be to the laws and customs of England; and that by bill or plaint, without original writ; reserving from their sentence matter of freehold and inheritance, to be determined by a superior judge itinerant; and both sentences, as well of the bailiwick judge, as itinerant, to be reversed, if cause be, before the council of the province to be established there with fit instructions.

For religion, to speak first of piety, and then of policy, all divines do agree, that if consciences be to be enforced at all, wherein yet they differ, two things must precede their enforcement: the one, means of instruction; the other, time of operation; neither of which they have yet had. Besides, till they be more like reasonable men than they yet are, their society were rather scandalous to the true religion, than otherwise; as pearls cast before swine: for till they be cleansed from their blood, incontinency, and theft, which are now not the lapses of particular persons, but the very laws of the nation, they are incompatible with religion reformed. For policy, there is no doubt but to wrestle with them now, is directly opposite to their reclaiming, and cannot but continue their alienation of mind from this government. Besides, one of the principal pretences, whereby the heads of the rebellion have prevailed both with the people, and with the foreigner, hath been the defence of the Catholic religion and it is this that likewise hath made the foreigner reciprocally more plausible with the rebel. Therefore a toleration of religion, for a time, not definite, except it be in some principal towns and precincts, after the manner of some French For obligation and reward; it is true, no doubt, edicts, seemeth to me to be a matter warrantable which was anciently said, that a state is contained by religion, and in policy of absolute necessity. in two words, "premium" and "pœna;" and I

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am persuaded, if a penny in the pound which hath | surely, in mine opinion, either by agreeing with been spent in "pœna," for this kind of war is them; or by overruling them with a parliament but "pœna, a chastisement of rebels, without in Ireland, which in this course of a politic profruit or emolument to this state, had been spent ceeding, infinite occasions will require speedily in "præmio," that is, in rewarding, things had to be held, it will be fit to supply fit qualified pernever grown to this extremity. But to speak sons or undertakers. The other, that it be not forwards. The keeping of the principal Irish|left, as heretofore, to the pleasure of the underpersons in terms of contentment, and without cause of particular complaint; and generally the carrying of an even course between the English and Irish; whether it be in competition or whether it be in controversy, as if they were one nation, without that same partial course which hath been held by the governors and counsellors there, that some have favoured the Irish, and some contrary, is one of the best medicines of that state. And as for other points of contentment, as the countenancing of their nobility as well in this court as there; the imparting of knighthood; the care of education of their children, and the like points of comfort and allurement; they are things which fall into every man's consideration.

For the extripating of the seeds of troubles, I suppose the main roots are but three. The first, the ambition and absoluteness of the chief of the families and septs. The second, the licentious idleness of their kernes and soldiers, that lie upon the country, by cesses and such like oppressions. And the third, the barbarous laws, customs, their brehon laws, habits of apparel, their poets or heralds that enchant them in savage manners, and sundry other such dregs of barbarism and rebellion, which by a number of politic statutes of Ireland, meet to be put in execution, are already forbidden; unto which such additions may be made as the present time requireth. But the deducing of this branch requireth a more particular notice of the state and manners there, than falls within my compass.

For plantations and buildings, I do find it strange that in the last plot for the population of Munster, there were limitations how much in demesne, and how much in farm, and how much in tenancy; again, how many buildings should be erected, how many Irish in mixture should be admitted, and other things foreseen almost to curiosity; but no restraint that they might not build "sparsim❞ at their pleasure; nor any condition that they should make places fortified and defensible: which omission was a strange neglect and secureness, to my understanding. So as for

takers and adventurers, where and how to build and plant; but that they do it according to a prescript or formulary. For, first, the places, both maritime and inland, which are fittest for colonies or garrisons, as well for doubt of the foreigner, as for keeping the country in bridle, would be found, surveyed, and resolved upon: and then that the patentees be tied to build in those places only, and to fortify as shall be thought convenient. And, lastly, it followeth of course, in countries of new populations, to invite and provoke inhabitants by ample liberties and charters.

SIR,

TO SIR GEORGE VILLIERS.

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1 July, 1616.*

this last point of plantations and buildings, there
be two considerations which I hold most inaterial;
the one for quickening, the other for assuring.
The first is, that choice be made of such persons SIR,
for the government of towns and places, and such
undertakers be procured, as be men gracious and
well beloved, and are like to be well followed.
Wherein for Munster, it may be, because it is not
"res integra;" but that the former undertakers
stand interested, there will be some difficulty: but|

and bounden servant,
FR. BACON.

TO SIR GEORGE VILLIERS.

I THINK I cannot do better service towards the good estate of the kingdom of Ireland than to procure the king to be well served in the eminent places of law and justice; I shall therefore name unto you for the attorney's place there, or for the * Stephens's Second Collection, p. 3.

solicitor's place, if the new solicitor shall go up, | into matter of conscience. Also, that his majesty a gentleman of mine own breeding and framing, will, out of the depth of his excellent wisdom and Mr. Edward Wyrthington, of Gray's-Inn; he is born to eight hundred pounds a year; he is the eldest son of a most severe justicer, amongst the recusants of Lancashire, and a man most able for law and speech, and by me trained in the king's causes. My lord deputy, by my description, is much in love with the man. I hear my Lord of Canterbury, and Sir Thomas Laque, should name one Sir John Beare, and some other mean men. This man I commend upon my credit, for the good of his majesty's service. God ever preserve and prosper you. I rest Your most devoted

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TO SIR GEORGE VILLIERS, ABOUT IRISH AFFAIRS.
SIR,

of a new commission for the wards and the aliena

providence, think, and, as it were, calculate with himself, whether time will make more for the cause of religion in Ireland, and be still more and more propitious; or whether deferring remedies will not make the case more difficult. For, if time give his majesty advantage, what needeth precipitation to extreme remedies? But if time will make the case more desperate, then his majesty cannot begin too soon. Now, in my opinion, time will open and facilitate things for reformation of religion there, and not shut up and lock out the same. For, first, the plantations going on, and being principally of Protestants, cannot but mate the other party in time; also his majesty's care in placing good bishops and divines, in amplifying the college there, and in looking to the education of wards and the like; like to be the most effectual and happy for the as they are the most natural means, so are they poral sword; so that, I think, I may truly conweeding out of popery, without using the temclude, that the ripeness of time is not yet come. Therefore my advice in all humbleness is, that oath to the magistrates of towns, proceed not, but die by degrees. And yet, to preserve the authority and reputation of the former council, I would

BECAUSE I am uncertain whether his majesty will put to a point some resolutions touching Ireland, now at Windsor; I thought it my duty to attend his majesty by my letter, and thereby this hazardous course of proceeding, to tender the to supply my absence, for the renewing of some former commissions for Ireland, and the framing tions, which appertain properly to me as his majesty's attorney, and have been accordingly referred by the lords. I will undertake that they are prepared with a greater care, and better application to his majesty's service in that kingdom, than heretofore they have been; and therefore of that I say no more. And for the instructions of the new deputy, they have been set down by the two secretaries, and read to the board; and being things of an ordinary nature, I do not see but they may pass.

But there have been three propositions and counsels which have been stirred, which seem to me of very great importance; wherein I think myself bound to deliver to his majesty my advice and opinion, if they should now come in ques

tion.

The first is, touching the recusant magistrates of the towns of Ireland, and the commonalties

have somewhat done; which is, that there be a act of power, but by "Quo warranto," or "Scire proceeding to seizure of liberties; but not by any facias;" which is a legal course; and will be the work of three or four terms; by which time the

matter will somewhat cool.

But I would not, in any case, that the proceeding should be with both the towns, which stand choosing that which shall be thought most fit. now in contempt, but with one of them only, For if his majesty proceed with both, then all the towns that are in the like case will think it a common cause; and that it is but their case to

day, and their own to-morrow. But if his majesty proceed with one, the apprehension and terror will not be so strong; for they will think it may be this is the best advice that I can give to his matheir case as well to be spared as prosecuted; and jesty in this strait; and of this opinion seemed my lord chancellor to be.

themselves their electors, what shall be done? Which consultation ariseth from the late adverThe second proposition is this: It may be his tisements of the two lords justices, upon the instance of the two towns, Limerick and Kil- his council of Ireland, which is now almost fifty, majesty will be moved to reduce the number of kenny; in which advertisements they represent to twenty, or the like number; in respect the the danger only, without giving any light for the greatness of the number doth both embase the remedy; rather warily for themselves, than agree-authority of the council, and divulge the busiably to their duties and places.

In this point I humbly pray his majesty to remember, that the refusal is not of the oath of allegiance, which is not enacted in Ireland, but of the oath of supremacy, which cutteth deeper

* Stephens's Second Collection, p. 5.

ness. Nevertheless, I do hold this proposition to this time; for certainly it will fill the state full of be rather specious and solemn, than needful at discontentment; which in a growing and unsettled estate ought not to be.

This I could wish; that his majesty would

many that are planted in house and lands, will rather lose their entertainment than remove; and thereby new men may have their pay, and yet the old be mingled in the country for the strength thereof.

appoint a select number of counsellors there, | vince to another; whereupon it is supposed, that which might deal in the improvement of his revenue, being a thing not fit to pass through too many hands, and that the said selected number should have days of sitting by themselves, at which the rest of the council should not be present; which being once settled, then other principal business of state may be handled at those sittings, and so the rest begin to be disused, and yet retain their countenance without murmur or disgrace.

The third proposition, as it is wound up, seemeth to be pretty, if it can keep promise; for it is this, that a means may be found to reinforce his majesty's army there by 500 or 1000 men; and that without any penny increase of charge. And the means should be, that there should be a commandment of a local removing, and transferring some companies from one pro

In this proposition two things may be feared;. the one, discontent of those that shall be put off;. the other, that the companies shall be stuffed with "Tirones," instead of "Veterani." I wish therefore that this proposition be well debated ere it be admitted. Thus having performed that which duty binds me to do, I commend you to God's best preservation.

Your most devoted and bounden servant,
FR. BACON.

Gorhambury, July 5, 1616.*

*Stephens's Second Collection, p. 5.

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