whole passages, which he deemed less adapted to his patriotic purpose. Still it may be considered as a very interesting monument of the language in its purest age, and an object of literary curiosity, as the earliest translation extant of an ancient classical writer, into any modern European tongue.

6. The Song of the Traveller, contained in the Exeter manuscript, is a poetical narrative of the adventures of a wandering Skald, bard, or minstrel, not unlike those related in the Icelandie Saga of Gunnlaug. Mr. Conybeare refers its original composition to some unknown continental author, about the middle of the fifth century, although he supposes it may have been wrought into its present shape at some later period. It contains a minute and not very poetical account of the numerous widely scattered tribes and nations visited by the author; and concludes with a flattering picture of the honors heaped upon the votaries of the muse, by the princes of the Gothic race, similar to those claimed and received by the ancient bards of Greece.

'So sped the Bard, by kings and heroes sought,
And wide as o'er the nations still he roved,
One constant truth his long experience taught,
Who loves his people is alone beloved.
Thus north and south where'er they roam,
The sons of song still find a home,
Speak unreproved their wants, and raise
Their grateful lay of thanks and praise.
For still the Chief, who seeks to grace
By fairest fame his pride of place,
Withholds not from the sacred Bard,
His well-earn'd praise and high reward.
But free of hand, and large of soul,
Where'er extends his wide control

Unnumber'd gifts his princely love proclaim,

Unnumber'd voices raise to Heaven his princely name.'"

Conybeare, p. 26.

a. N. Everett.

ART. III.-Life of Henry Clay.

Biography of Henry Clay. By GEORGE D. PRENtice, Esq. 12mo. pp. 304. Hartford, Conn. 1831.

In our last number we offered a succinct notice of the principal events in the life of an eminent British statesman, who has elevated himself by the mere force of talent, industry and good conduct, with little aid from favorable circumstances, and generally in opposition to the strong tide of executive and aristocratic influences, from the rank of a private citizen to the highest legal and political dignities in one of the mightiest empires of the world. We now propose to lay before our readers, a rapid sketch of the career of a not less distinguished citizen of our own country, who, in like manner, unaided by circumstances, and depending entirely on his own intellectual and moral resources, has risen from obscurity to eminence, but who, from acting in concert with prevailing parties, and in the administration of the Government, has exercised a more direct influence on the progress of affairs, and who is probably destined to reach hereafter a station of still more exalted official dignity. Such examples are among the most effective and interesting forms in which the great moral lessons that ought to regulate the practical conduct of life, can be inculcated on the community. The history of what such men have done or attempted, in promoting the great cause of improvement and human happiness, is an excellent guide to the efforts of the young and ardent, while their well-earned fame and popularity furnish the strongest incentives to persevering and vigorous exertion. Even their occasional disappointments and reverses, compensated as they have been or will be, by eventual triumph, are fraught with encouragement, inasmuch as they prove that an honest, consistent and dignified course, is, after all, the only road to ultimate success; and that the miserable, time-serving policy, which bends to every caprice of popular or princely favor, is as ineffectual for the promotion of its own selfish objects, as it is disgraceful to the sordid spirits who can stoop to practise it. The frequent contemplation of such characters improves and elevates the tone of public feeling. It represses the vulgar appetite for sensual pleasure, wealth, and the mere names of office. It makes men see and feel that there are objects in life not only more important in

themselves, but more attractive in the pursuit, and more glorious in the attainment, than any of these. It inspires the generous ambition of acquiring distinction, not by a paltry system of intrigue and party management, but by the persevering and active employment of high intellectual endowments, for the promotion of the public good. It is only by the general prevalence of such sentiments among the young and active portion of the citizens, that our republican institutions can be preserved in their present vigor and purity. They constitute that public virtue which has been justly described as the vital principle of popular governments, the conservative power which alone can secure them from the abuses to which they are peculiarly prone, abuses even more frightful and disgusting than those of any other form of polity.

We deem it more especially important to hold up to the view and imitation of the public these high examples of worth and talent, at a time when there seems to be in certain quarters a disposition to discourage all exertions but those which are directed to merely selfish objects. We are sometimes told, that it is of little importance by whom the Government of the country is administered; that our political agents in the exercise of their limited powers can do but little good or harm, and that individuals may as well devote their attention exclusively to their own concerns, and leave those of the public to take care of themselves. We have heard persons of education, talent, leisure and good intentions, remark, with a sort of satisfaction, that they did not go to the polls once in three years. Such errors are dangerous, and if they became general, would be fatal to the prosperity of the country. The people of the United States have taken into their own hands the immediate superintendence of all their social and political interests. The agents of evil are always busy; the promotion of their purposes requires and produces a restless and indefatigable activity. If their efforts are not resisted by the upright and well-meaning with corresponding energy, they of course triumph, and their triumph is followed, at a greater or less interval of time, by the ruin of the community. Life is, and was intended to be, a perpetual and active warfare between the adherents of good and evil. Those, who from indolence or selfishness withdraw from the struggle, are every where the most dangerous allies of the latter party; and as they share their guilt, so they always sooner or later partake of their

reward. Their darling wealth, to the augmentation of which they sacrifice every higher consideration, is torn from them in the indiscriminate rage of civil commotion. Conscriptions, proscriptions, forced loans, political and personal persecution under the forms of law, visit them in the retirement of the comptingroom and the dwelling-house, and they are crushed, at last, under the load of miseries incident to the last stages of misgovernment; all of which might, and in most cases would, have been averted, had this class of men regularly gone to the polls, while they had it in their power. Hence it was, that the Athenian lawgiver wisely ordained, that in all political divisions, every citizen should take either one side or the other; and it may be said with perfect truth, that without a pretty general observation of this principle, the forms of popular government are impracticable.

It is, therefore, of high importance, that eminent examples of public virtue should be constantly kept before the view of the people; and it is also but just to the individuals themselves, who have given these examples, that their services should be requited during their lives, at least by public acknowledgements of respect and gratitude. A citizen who devotes himself to the public service, especially in this country, is a standing mark for outrage and calumny, which are the more virulent in proportion to the purity and elevation of his character. It is the duty of those who approve his conduct, to sustain and encourage him, by express testimonials of approbation, and not to leave his vindication entirely to the slow award of posterity. For these reasons, we have deemed it proper and useful to devote a few pages to a rapid sketch of the political life of Mr. Clay. The materials for such a sketch, which are of course for the most part in possession of the public, are arranged in a methodical and agreeable form in the work before us, which also contains some interesting particulars, not so generally known, of his earlier life.

Henry Clay was born in Hanover County, Virginia, on the 12th of April, 1777. His father was a clergyman of talent and respectability. He probably superintended himself the education of his son, who had received no other public instruction than such as is afforded by the common schools, when he was placed in the office of Mr. Tinsley, Clerk of the High Court of Chancery at Richmond, Virginia. In this situation VOL. XXXIII.-No. 73.

45

he of course came into personal contact with the most distinguished men in the State, and attracted their attention so strongly by his talents and amiable qualities, that some of them, particularly Chancellor Wythe and Governor Brooke, persuaded him, at the age of nineteen, to undertake the study of the law. The state of society and of the bar rules at this period afforded great facilities for entering on the profession, and Mr. Clay, after a year's study, was admitted to practice at the age of twenty. He removed soon after to Lexington, Kentucky, where he has since resided. He continued his studies at this place about a year longer, and during this period exercised himself in speaking at the meetings of the Debating Society. At his first attempt he exhibited the fluency and fervor, which have since formed the character of his maturer eloquence. He rose,' says Mr. Prentice, under some embarrassment, and addressed the President of the Society by the title of Gentlemen of the Jury, but he gradually gained confidence from his own efforts, and, finally, concentrating all his powers upon the subject in debate, he surprised his audience with a beauty and compass of voice, an exuberance of eloquence and a force of argument well worthy of a veteran orator. A gentleman who heard this speech has assured us, that it would hardly suffer in comparison with the most brilliant efforts made by its author in after life. His reputation as a speaker was of course established, and he became immediately a leading champion in all the debates of the Society.'

The bar of Lexington was at this time highly respectable, comprehending among its members such men as George Nicholas, John Breckenridge, James Brown, James Hughes, William Murray, and several others, all of whom would have figured as leading attornies at any Court. But, notwithstanding the number and ability of his competitors, Mr. Clay came at once into extensive practice, and was intrusted with more suits than any other practitioner. He particularly distinguished himself in the management of criminal cases, and it is remarked by his biographer, that not one of his clients was ever sentenced to death. The following anecdotes afford a striking illustration of the extent of the influence which he exercised as an advocate, even in the earlier periods of his professional career.