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with the Revolution, when no nation was ever more immediately preserved from slavery, both in conscience and estate. We were amazed at our deliverance, and acknowledged the wonderful mercy of God in that instance of our gratitude, the crowning bis great instrument of our freedom. We were then so truly possessed of the source of our misfortunes, we so plainly saw our slavery come rolling down, in full tides, from those inexhaustible springs of oppression, the ambition and power of France, that we unanimously addressed our deliverer to direct us how we might remove the principles of our fear, and raise up liberty to our posterity. The King told us (and we agreed with him) that, whilst France possessed the overgrown power he was at that time master of, the liberty, not only of England, but of Europe, was in a very precarious condition; and we could then see his strength increased yearly, his dominions were daily inlarged, and the strongest towns were too weak to resist the battery of his money. And the depredations of his neighbouring countries were the exercise and reward of his armies; and his power at sea was grown to so surprising a height, that he was a match for Holland and England in conjunction. That ambitious monarch no longer disguised his intentions; he let the world see, that he thought himself strong enough to conquer Christendom, and that the conquest of Christendom was the quarry he flew at. But, though our dangers were great at that time, yet our eyes were open, and we put on our brave old English principles; the common danger not only united our factions, but the impending tyranny of France reconciled the jarring interests of the rest of Europe, and finished that confederacy, which the intrigues of France, and our two former Kings, had rendered abortive for so many years before. At that time, our circumstances were happily come to a crisis scarce hoped for a few weeks before. A set of persons sprung up, brave, wise, and honest; and, though the cankered tongue of envy has been hard upon them since, it is to the virtue of those men that we owe the unravelling of our entangled affairs, and the hopes of liberty which are yet left. The late ferment of the nation had worked off part of its phlegm; a new spirit of gallantry warmed our youth, and our old men fell out with avarice; Westminster-hall was purged, and property was put into clean hands. The church was truly in the King's interest, and we had at last got a King, who had no separate interest from his people.

Thus our affairs stood when the confederacy commenced. The French King wisely foresaw his ruin, if we proceeded as we began; and, knowing it fruitless to tamper with the new ministers, he was necessitated to play on his game, with those that were left of his old pack. He found our new measures were not to be broke any way, but by our old divisions, so he concerted with his friends here in secret to divide us; and the war was not a year old, before the wretches of the last reigns were warm in the merciful bosom of the new government; they began to hiss, and were readier to sting, than kiss the hand that signed the act for their pardons. Those

very men, who were the instruments of our late Kings, whose heads at the Revolution tottered on their shoulders, now skreened from justice by the act of indemnity, began to resume their old principles, and wish again for those masters, under whose tyranny they had indulged their luxury and covetousness. But they found it impossible openly to bring about their designs, the ability and integrity of the new ministry being so apparent and necessary at that time: all they could then do was to work themselves into the secrets of the nation, and discover them to France. They privately, at first, made what new proselytes they could, and slily lamented their country, insinuating, that it was oppressed with taxes, and worn out with the ignorance and pride of its new governor. As they grew stronger, they embarrassed all publick affairs as much as was possible, and they were particularly assiduous in the destruction of our money; and, when they had drawn on an inevitable necessity to recoin it, they struck in with the court, and were very zealous for recoining, hoping that so dead a stop to trade, in the midst of a heavy war, would undoubtedly have broke the back of the present constitution; and we were, as the French faction had foreseen, in the very agonies of confusion; our trade, and ministry, both civil and military, were at a plunge. Our enemies rejoiced, and our friends were dejected, at the loss of our current money. We stared on one another, and knew not what to think, when Exchequer bills, which are now ridiculed, revived our trade, set out our fleets, brought our army into the field, and supported our alliances. The French party were surprised, the loss of so sure a game made them desperate, and, from that time, they have resolved the destruction of him who, in preserving England, disappointed them.

The war continuing, and the charges growing heavier, the most Christian faction took hold of the popular end of the staff, and began to rail publickly, at visionary mismanagements, and corrupt ministers; and this step was the foundation of the heats and divisions among us since. Thus, the Tory party commenced patriots; grown patriots they rail at all men, and all things, that do not chime in with their interests. They entertain the King, after the fatigues of a campaign, with vexation all the winter; they grow bolder every day than other; and, when the most Christian King found it necessary to have a peace, they, by delaying the King's business, and frustrating his designs, tired him into the peace of Reswick. That peace was no sooner concluded, but the Tories fell into the old specious arguments and artifices, to inflame the nation; mismanagements, favourites, corrupt ministers, foreigners, and standing armies; the King, to satisfy them, sends away the Dutch, and disbands the army.

They then demand the forfeited estates in Ireland, and plainly tell the King, that he ought not to have disposed of them, and that they will take them from him again. The best King takes no notice of the indignity offered him; but sacrifices his just rights and resentments, to the ease and happiness of his people.

The King of Spain dying about this time, and France, contrary to all faith and honour, possessed of the whole Spanish dominions, Holland in the greatest danger, and Europe expecting, where slavery would first settle, the King dissolved this, and called a new Parliament, to preserve us in this juncture. But this late success of France had made his party here so bold and powerful, that instead of settling to the defence of the nation, and addressing his Majesty early, to form alliances, they, to amuse people, voted a great fleet, which was a prodigious expence, and signified no more, than to impoverish us, France having (as they well knew) no designs at sea, at that time. After this, they fell to wrangling, and revived the story of Kidd, and struck, at once, at five of the King's faithfull st servants, villainously tempting that unhappy wretch to save his own life, by swearing falsly against those Lords. Kidd failing them, they fall next on the treaty of partition, a treaty designed to establish a lasting tranquillity to Europe. Here they impeach the four Lords, and through their sides abuse the King, in the most base and porter-like language; they drive on with the greatest vehemence, and France had gained his point, if the House of Lords had not stood resolved and steady, in the defence of innocence, and England. Let this be for ever remembered to the eternal honour of that illustrious body. Here the faction was stung again, and railed at the Lords, because, right or wrong, they would not ruin whomsoever they are pleased to impeach; and since, how industriously has that party strove to raise a flame, which, if the consummate wisdom of his Majesty had not prevented, might have ended in the ruin of England. After this, they did nothing but trifle away their time, in invidious and vindictive matters, and empty addresses, till the King, in the plainest manner, laid before them, and the whole nation, the destruction, which was daily expected to fall on the United Provinces. The people's eyes beginning to open at the last Dutch memorial, they perceived they were betraying, and began to grow clamorous, and some Kentish gentlemen, being at this time imprisoned, contrary to all equity, only for petitioning the Parliament, to take care of the nation, had very much incensed them. The faction, to silence these clamours, and, if possible, to regain their credit, voted ten thousand men, which the Hollanders demanded, by vertue of a treaty made with King Charles the Second; but to shew, how heartily they designed our ruin, they voted twelve regiments of foot out of Ireland, which should be made ten thousand men, and that no other regiments should be raised in their places, absolutely tying up the King's hands from the defence of that country. This was the openest avowing their designs, that I have met with, to make which plainer, I must go back to a little after the peace of Reswick, when the disputes in Parliament, about disbanding the army, were at the highest. It was then thought absolutely necessary, in consideration of the papistical and rebellious principle of the Irish, that a body of twelve thousand men should be kept up in Ireland, which were established there accordingly. Now

when the King of Spain was dead, and the most Christian King in actual possession of his whole monarchy; when all mankind agreed, a war was unavoidable, unless France receded from those measures, he had taken, which none ever thought he would, without force; then I say, to strip Ireland of its guard, and leave it naked and defenceless, is to me the plainest owning their intentions in nature. Were I in the French interests, and had been reproached by Mr. Poussin, for want of vigour, in consideration of the numerous Lewis d'Ors received, I would justify myself thus: Good God, 'Mr. Poussin, what would you have us do? Have we not, from 'the King's first coming to this time, delayed all things, that were 'for the interest of England? What have we not done, that could tend to your service? Or what have we done, that the King re'commended to us, at the opening of last sessions? Have we not ' used the vilest means by Kidd, to take off five of your irrecon'cileable enemies? And when that would not answer our ends, did 'we not impeach three of the chief of them? Did we not fall into 'the greatest heats, and grosly abuse the House of Lords, only for ' remembering us, to bring the impeached Lords to their trials? And have not our whole faction fallen on my Lord Haversham, notwithstanding one of our managers was the aggressor? Pray, tell 'me, what have we done, without your advice, before the Kentish 'petition, and the legion letter? And when yourself acknowledged, 'there was an unavoidable necessity of sending those forces to Holland: did we not surprise even you, by leaving Ireland open to 'whatever designs his most Christian Majesty might have on it? And after all, have we not cajoled the King and country, to con'tinue us another sessions? Come, come, Mr. Poussin, have pa'tience, and assure your great master, that we will deliver England, dispirited and defenceless, into the arms of his mercy.' I cannot see what Monsieur Poussin could have said to me, and I am sure I must have silenced him, if there is any verity in this old proverb, Truth will prevail.'

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Thus, have we seen our best friends oppressed, by the villainy of our worst enemies; this is the end of the blood and treasure, which have been spent, to settle us on a firm basis of liberty. After a short period of twelve years, we are almost in the same hands that brought us to the brink of destruction, so lately.

The King, a little after his return from Holland, dissolved the last Parliament, as he was addressed to do, by his people; with what confusion to his enemies, their violent reflexions on his person were a sufficient evidence. They were, for a time, distracted with anger and envy, and, when they began to cool, they found it necessary to consider of their safeties, and of ways and means to support their detestable faction; in order to which, their council was often called, and (whether it were fear, or the Devil, that sharpened their inventions) they resolved upon a most villainous expedient, which was this. They declared in all places, that whatever opposition, they had made to the court, was in order to preserve the church; to confirm this, I appeal to all the counties and boroughs in England,

if those members, who were charged with delaying the King's business, did not use almost the same argument to their electors. The sum of which was, that they were ill used, and reproached for nothing in the world, but their desire to save the nation's money, and their unshaken sincerity to the church, in opposition to those who would destroy her, the Whigs.

Thus, the continual efforts of the French faction is to divide us; and it is our misfortune to be the easiliest divided of any people in nature, one artifice of France having been sufficient to do it, for the greater part of a century. The old Cavalier and Roundhead, the latter Whig and Tory, and the immediate church-party and whigparty, are all the same; France sometimes new christens our factions, and we, an unthinking generation, let a little jargon divide, distract, and ruin us.

But the partisans of France have been lately more assiduous than ordinary to poison our ear; they buz the disaffected nobility, and great factions, or foolish commoners, with being shut out from all profits and share in the government; their great parts and capacities for the ministry are cried up; neither do they forget to tell them of the injustice and dishonour they receive by being left at the tail of affairs, whilst a few unworthy flatterers go away with all the honours and advantages. The commonalty are possessed with new hardships, taxes, misapplication of their money, evil counsellors, &c. and the church with retrenchments on their honours and privileges, and designs of totally subverting, or at least new modelling their authority and jurisdiction. They are continually remembered of what their fathers suffered from Cromwell; from whence it is inferred, that the Whigs will play the same game. And it is these arguments which have drawn the ignorant and unthinking, or the designing, part of the clergy into their interests. Now, that I may not seem to reflect on churchmen without reason, I will give a particular instance, that some of them were mistaken, at the electing knights of the shire for a neighbouring county. Five gentlemen stood candidates, four of them undeniably in the King's interests, but the other was said to be absolutely against him yet there was a doctor of divinity, and a convocation man too, who, besides all the votes among the clergy that he could influence, gave the gentleman, who was reproached for being against the King, his single vote, which, I think, was neither the wise, nor well bred part of the churchman. But it would be an unhandsome part to reflect on the gentlemen who sent him to the convocation, because he has done this; and I doubt not but those gentlemen will shew their resentment of this action of his, by sending a new representative to the next convocation.

I will not aggravate this matter by heaping up more instances of the like nature, because the mistakes or credulity of some few of the divines ought not to bring a reflexion on the honest men of that profession: neither must we think the whole body of the clergy in the St. Germain interest, because we have seen some of their coat so zealous in their service to gentlemen generally es

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