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tion of us, nor are the people free to join with him that deserted them, or to venture their necks, or their country's ruin, to restore bim. I dare say, that the French king will not grant, that the citizens of those cities, who were subjects to Spain, or the emperor, and bound by oath to those princes (but have now submitted to him, and sworn new allegiance) are obliged to venture their lives and fortunes, by vertue of their old oaths, to restore those cities to their former masters; doubtless, he wonld solve their scruples with a halter, if he found they attempted it. Besides, the injuries, as they are called, done to the late king by his own acts, if they were capable of reparation, must not be repaired with the injuring, yea, ruining many thousand innocent persons, who must unavoidably lose their lives, and be undone in their estates by his returning by force. The present king and his army are bound by oaths, duty, and interest, to oppose him; so are all now protected by him, and who have sworn allegiance to him; and it is certain, all that are not perjured hypocrites will do so ; and then, what Englishman's bowels must not bleed to consider what murders, burning, plundering, and destruction he brings upon his native country, who encourages the aggressors ? If he has any kindness for us, whom he calls his subjects, he would rather sit quietly under his single injuries, than wish, or, however, attempt to be restored by blood and an universal ruin ; and, if he has no pity for us, why should we be so concerned for him, as to sacrifice our lives and fortunes to his revenge? He went away, while a treaty was on foot, and nothing but a treaty can restore him fairly; which he never yet offered. We did not force bim to go away in disguise, and, if he will force himself upon us again, by French dragoons and Irish cut-throats, we may and must oppose him; for our allegiance is now transferred to another. Finally, there is no injury to any but himself, and those who run into voluntary exile with him, by his being out of the possession : the monarchy, the law, the church, and property are all in better estate, than in his time; and all these, with innumerable private persons, must be irreparably injured by his return in an hostile manner. So that there can be no reason to redress the sufferings, be owes to his own faults, by so many publick and private injuries. If it be pleaded, that he, who was born to a kingdom, really wants subsistence, I reply, that, if he would seek the peace of Christendom, and of his late subjects, he might, by a fair treaty set on foot, not only restore the exiles, but have a sufficient and honourable maintenance from this government; but, while the war, he makes upon it, puts us to so great expence, he cannot expect it, nor imagine we should give him a supply to enable him to ruin us.

The second pretence, why we should assist towards his restoration, is, to deliver ourselves from the oppression we suffer under the present king : and, to set off this with a better gloss, the late reign is magnified by the jesuits and their tools, and this blacken

freedom from taxes then is made a rare instance of his gentleness, and the present impositious heightened, with all the rheto

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rick imaginable, to represent this king as an oppressor. The flourishing of trade then is extolled, the decay of it now odiously insinuated, and great hopes are given of golden days, upon the return of James the Just; he is to make us all happy.

Now, to answer this, there is no need to make a satyr on that reign, or a panegyrick on this; that is so well remembered, and this so fully known, that all unprejudiced people see on which side the truth lies. But it is great pity they, who have the wit to invent or urge this plea, have not a memory to remind them, that none complained more of the danger of law and religion, of onr lives and fortunes in that reign, than many who have this high opinion of it now; the cruel severities in the west, the high commission, turning out of office all good protestants, attempting to reverse all the penal laws, putting unqualified men into all places of trust, profit, and power, excluding the fellows of Magdalen, and putting in papists, with the imprisonment and trial of the bishops, were thought oppressions then ; but now all these are buried in ob livion, and those taxes which the late king, and his ally of France, with their abettors, alone make necessary to this frugal prince, these are our only grievance, and this king's unpardonable crime. The late king had one tax, and might, yea, would have had more for the glorious design of enslaving his subjects, if he could have got a parliament to his purpose, which he vigorously endeavoured; and it was, because he was sure he must satisfy his people in their just complaints, whenever he asked a supply, that he durst not ask it of a freely chosen parliament; yet then we were in peace with all nations, and now he hath intangled us in a war with the worst enemy in Europe. Assessments then were not needed, but to basten our ruin; now they are absolutely necessary to our safety, and made so by him, and his complaining friends. Yet still what grievances are these taxes, in comparison of what is laid on the French slaves, into whose condition we were intended to be brought? There is a vast difference between losing our property for ever, and paying some part of our profits to secure the rest, and our inheritances to our posterity, as well as ourselves. Besides, should we not leap out of the frying-pan, into the fire, if, to avoid tolerable payments, we should rashly bring a fatal war to our doors, that must last till more than one half of the nation be destroyed, and the rest utterly, and almost irrecoverably, impoverished? This, I am sure, is voluntarily to change our whips for scorpions. We have paid as much formerly for assisting France to ruin Europe, and maintain vice at home, as now serves to deliver Europe, and secure our native country and religion, from utter destruction: 'nor are the sums considerable, reckoning the abatement of chimney-money, which we have paid to this government; no country in Europe bath paid so little in proportion to our wealth, these last three years of war: and if the late king return, England must pay all the sums borrowed of France, to maintain him abroad, to keep Ireland, and to discharge the forces, that come to thrust him on us, and must stay to complete the happy design of setting up popery and slavery, the natural consequences of his restoration; and it is well, if arrears of chimney-money, and other publick monies, be not called for, to carry on so glorious a work : so that, if England rebel against the present king, to avoid the burdens now upon them, they expose themselves to ten times greater taxes for many years, and it can end in nothing but the utter impoverishing of the whole nation, especially, the protestant part of it, who, by their poverty will become a more easy prey. As for trade, the decay of it began in the Jate king's time, and it is the war wbich he and France hath engaged us in, that still keeps it at a low ebb; so that for the late king's friends to expose the present government, for this, is like a conjurer's complaining of the storms he raises. That ingenious history of Bishop King's, of the estate of the protestants in Ireland, under King James, makes it out, that the late king feared and hated the increase of trade, which made him use all means to hinder it; and all the world sees, that no absolute monarch, as he affects to be, likes that his subjects should grow rich by trade. But our present king, so soon as he can have peace, will make it his first care to promote trade here, as he did in the country he came from; and, even in the difficult times be had, trade hath been a great part of his and his parliament's care. Finally, if men can remember the times, that are so lately past, when law and right was only the king's pleasure, dictated by mercenary judges; when no party but the papists flourished; when a general consternation had stopped all business, they cannot hope to be happy by his return, who caused all these miseries : and they must expect, now he hath more perfectly learned the French methods, of making a king the greatest of monarchs, by making his subjects the vilest of slaves, that he will practise it with greater industry and application than ever, to put it eternally out of his subjects power, to protect themselves again : for oppressing his people, which was but expedient before, will now be thought absolutely necessary. So that nothing can be more improbable, not to say impossible, than for England to be happy under him, that attempted to make ber miserable without any provocation, and must return with the same principles and designs, the same counsellors and interests he had before, and with all the addition that revenge, hatred, and fear can make to an angry and implacable mind. But it may be said, his dear-bought ex-. perience of the ill success of these methods will make him rule more moderately, if he be restored : to which I reply, Colum, non animen mutat. The fore-cited book of Bishop King's demonstrates, that, after he had lost England and Scotland, and a great part of Ireland, upon his return bither from France, he was more arbitrary and hard to his protestant obedient subjects than ever he had been before, even though it was against his visible interest, and tended to disgust all the protestants, who would have served him tbere. His de claring himself papist at first here, and all his actions since, shew that he prefers his will, and an obstinate pursuing his own methods, far above bis true interest ; whence it follows, that we vainly expect from one of his temper, that either his past experience, or his

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future interest, should teach him moderation, any longer than till he hath power to oppress us : and, if he should, by a thousand promises or oaths, engage to rule by law, his frequent breach of both hath given us no reason to trust him; and the religion he professes can so easily dispense with both, that neither of them give us any security from that sort of obligations. The interests of popery and France require he should be absolute, and his nature spurs him on to it, and nothing but fear can for a moment restrain him from being so. What a shadow of a dream then must this be of protestant subjects being happy, under a bigotted popish prince of such a temper?

Thirdly, Whereas it is said, we have changed our old hercditary monarchy into one merely elective, and, by degrees, shall bring it to a commonwealth; nor can any thing prevent this, which will be of fatal consequence to the church, but our restoring the late king; I answer, the position is false, and the consequence a mere sham : the government of England always was, and ever must be monarchical; that twelve years, when it was endeavoured to make it otherwise, convinced all men, that all projects to the contrary must come to nothing. As for this revolution, it is not likely, a parliament which made an entail of the crown, in a lineal succession, should be for setting up a commonwealth, or altering the hereditary monarchy. If it be alledged, there was a great breach as to the person of the reigning king, it is replied, he himself made it, and they did not make, but find the throne void. And there have been greater breaches since the conquest, as to the true lineal succession, and laying aside, yea, deposing the reigning king, and setting up his son, or a remoter person, which indeed was an injury to the kings 80 deposed; but still the monarchy was called and continued to be hereditary. In our case, the king deserted us, yea, left us without any government; but we applied to his next certain heir, with wbom, at her request, and for our safety and her's, by general consent, a title was given to her husband and our deliverer, but tbis only for life, though he be much nearer in blood to the right of succession than either Henry the Fourth, or Henry the Seventh, successively made kings of England. And the saving the succession to the Princess of Denmark, and her heirs, shews how far that parliament was from designing any such thing as a commonwealth. We see Philip of Spain, who had no title to be king of England, but by his marriage with Queen Mary, was made king at her request, and in her right; but he had not merited so much as our king, and therefore his title was to cease at her death. As for the Prince of Wales, there are so clear indications of his birth being an imposture, and the design of forming that project is so known to be revenge on the princesses, for adhering to their religion, and to get more time to force popery and slavery upon us, yea, his health and strength make it so unlikely, he should proceed from such crazy parents, that till the parties concerned prove the affirmative by better witnesses and clearer evidence, and the people of England in parliament own him for the heir, we need not go about the un

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reasonable task of proving a negative. Wherefore, since the breach in the succession was the late king's own act, and only concerns his person, and a supposed unknown heir, we are not to answer for that; and, considering the hurry his unexpected desertion put all things in, and the absolute necessity of a speedy settlement, the friends of the old English monarchy have just cause to rejoice it was made so near the old foundation, with a small and only temporary variation from it, which was also absolutely necessary in that juncture of affairs : and it is evident, that there are many of the best quality and interest, wbo hate the notion of a commonwealth in England, and love monarchy as well as any of the late king's abettors; who freely consented, and firmly adhere to this establishment. If it be objected, that King William was bred up in a commonwealth, and inclines to that form of government; it is answered, he doth and may like it in Holland, but they must shew sonie instances, that his zeal for a commonwealth is as hot and as blind as King James's for popery, before they can prove him so desperate a foe to his own interest, as to uncrown himself, and make himself the people's vassal, when he is and may be their gracious lord. If it be urged, that it is a dangerous precedent for future kings, to allow the people a liberty to take away their prince's right, and set up another, on pretence of misgovernment: the reply is, the late king was the occasion of this precedent, by first attempting to alter the whole frame of our laws, government, and religion, and then deserting us. And, if it be an ill precedent for the safety of princes, that the advantage was taken, it was however necessary to take it for the safecity of the people, for whose good heaven made kings. Sure I am,

there are as dreadful consequences of arbitrary tyranny, as there are of rebellion, witness the misery and slavery of the poor French at this day; and it seems as necessary, there should be some precedents to deter princes from abusing their power, as well as to i restrain the people from abusing their liberty : for both tyranny

and rebellion are great sins, and of most mischievous consequence. Wherefore, this unexpected example may make our kings more just, and more apt to rule by law, but it can never hurt the monarchy itself, or countenance a rebellion, while a king is in the throne, that will stay to hear and redress his people's grievances, which will never be denied by the present, or any other good king.

The last pretence is the most surprising of all, that there is no way to preserve the church of England, no nor the protestant religion, but by restoring the late king, who, it is said in his declaration, promises this as liberally, as he did at his first accession to the throne.

If mankind were not the oddest part of the creation, one would wonder, how it is possible for protestants to believe, that the wolves design good to the sheep. When the late king was here, be involved himself in infinite mischiefs, and did the most odious things in the world to destroy the protestant religion, and especially, to ruin the church of England; and hath he given any evidence of changing his temper, his principles, his zeal, or his methods ? He shewed in

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