IMPROVED MILL FOR GRINDING PAINT. TO THE EDITOR. Sir,-About two years ago, an ingenious friend of mine elicited an idea of an improved method of grinding Paint, on which he had made some experiments, in connexion with a steam-engine. I saw immediately the application of the principle to a machine to be worked by hand, of which the annexed is an exact model. I had one made by an ingenious millwright, (Mr. Thos. Pearson,) which was found to answer the purpose beyond my most sanguine expectation. I have had it in constant use for about eighteen months, and find it a most useful append age to my shop. The advantage of having colours ground fine, is obvious to every person who has observed the present improved state of house-painting; as smoothness of surface in painting is an important object. By means of this machine, I can grind colours exceedingly fine, with much less labour than upon the ordinary plan of stone and muller; as a man and boy, with this machine, may grind as much as six men in the ordinary way, in the same space of time. It would be found to be an useful acquisition to those persons who grind colours for Artists, &c. &c. &c. A wish to communicate whatsoever may be conducive to the improvement of the Arts, has induced me to transmit this for insertion in your Imperial Magazine. -I am, yours, respectfully, Liverpool, March, 1819. GEO. LYON. Plate. Fig. 1, represents an elevation of the mill. A, a flag for the mill to be fastened to, to keep it steady. BB, the frame, which is made of cast iron, screwed together. C, the stone made of hard Yorkshire flag, turns round by the spindle G, while the muller or upper stone is stationary, and is fastened to the frame by means of the bar L. D, the muller or upper stone is the segment of a circle, made of the same material as the under one, and has the collar of brass, M, attached to it, through which the upright spindle revolves. E, a collar of iron, let into the stone C, to keep the colour from approaching too near the centre. F, an horizontal cogwheel, fixed on the upright spindle, which, when turned round by the corresponding cogwheel H, moves the stone C. G, an upright spindle of wrought iron, which moves in its socket at N, and in a collar fixed in the cross-piece of the frame at o. I, an horizontal spindle, on which are affixed the flywheel pinion and handle KHP. Fig. 2, is another view of the above, with references corresponding. Fig. 3, is a ground plan of the muller. A is a piece of iron, let into the muller to receive the point of the bar L, in fig. 1, which keeps it in its place, while the stone C, fig. 1, turns round the contrary way. B, an iron fork let into the muller, holds the brass collar C, in which the upright spindle moves. The curve in the muller is to keep the colour from running off the stone. The muller may be weighted, to increase the pressure. TO THE EDITOR OF THE IMPERIAL SIR, THE right of all governments to levy taxes on the various districts over which their influence extends, is scarcely less evident than the necessity of taxation itself. Without the latter, no public measures could be carried into execution; and without the former, the mere abstract propriety of the latter would be rendered inefficient. Against the necessity of taxation, and the simple right of levying imposts, no advocate either for liberty, anarchy, or despotism, has presumed to argue. This is a general point, in which the advocates of almost every political creed seem most cordially to unite, how diversified soever their views may be respecting the origin of power, the principles of civil constitutions, the alienation of rights, and the sanctions of legal authority. Consonant with this common feeling, there is another general principle, on which few parties will be found to entertain jarring opinions. All must allow, whether the existing laws ensure their approbation, or excite their disgust, that, while they continue in force, they should be administered with the strictest impartiality. To levy a tax upon any branch of the community, while the general mass escape through an acknowledged exemption, would appear to every one as an act of the most flagrant injustice. The case will not be altered, if the body of the people submit to taxation, while a few favoured individuals plead an immunity, and triumph in their privileges over the common lot of their fellow-citizens. If any law be just, why should it be restricted in its operation? and if unjust, why should it ever have been enacted? All exemptions must tend ultimately to lessen the aggregate of the public revenue; and in proportion to their extent, they not only lay a foundation for complaints, but also prepare the way for the introduction of additional imposts. For services done, an exemption from the operations of law may, in certain instances, be considered in the light of a remuneration; and, on many occasions, the duties connected with various stations can only be performed while the law is forbidden to operate but where the members of a community stand on the same common ground, and are engaged in the same commercial transactions, to exempt a solitary individual or company from No. I.-VOL. I. such taxes as all besides must pay, is but little better than establishing smuggling by law. I have been almost insensibly led into these general reflections, by revolving in my mind a question which has been frequently proposed; namely, why is the Commentary on the Bible, edited by Dr. Mant and D'Oyley, which appears to be well executed, and ornamented with many plates, sold at a price below that of others, which now appear in the same market? To all Printers and Booksellers, this is certainly a question of no common import. The fact itself, very few will be disposed to deny, whether they approve or dislike the doctrines which that work contains. To account for this on the principles of trade, was soon found to be impossible: the cause, therefore, was suspected to lie deeper. Here it was sought; and in its dark recess it has been discovered. I have been credibly informed, by an authority in which I can place the fullest confidence, that for the paper consumed in the printing of this Commentary, no duty whatever is ultimately paid to Government; while all other Tradesmen and Authors throughout the kingdom pay, to the utmost farthing, those imposts from which this work is happily exempted. This fact will serve to explain the meaning of Cum privilegio in a more forcible manner, than a whole volume written upon etymologies and Acts of Parliament. The duty on the paper used in the copies already published of this Commentary, amounts to nearly three thousand pounds! Diminutive as this article may appear, when compared with the vast and complicated concerns of an empire, we can perceive no reason why it should be treated with contempt. On what pretensions this privilege is presumed to rest, we have no means of knowing, besides those which arise from common observation. It is not to be supposed, that the Society with which the Commentary originated, can claim a specific exemption from the operations of a public edict. And if we trace the lenient partiality to the University, a question will naturally arise, as to the extent of its power. A privilege which is bounded in its operation only by the discretion of those who exercise it, may be extended to defeat the purposes of law. But with such a power we cannot imagine any branch of the community to be invested. The reason for this sin F gular immunity is therefore wrapped up in a strange kind of obscurity. If we reason only from fact, while the cause is admitted to be concealed, it appears before us as a plain violation of general principle, which calls aloud for redress. There are many who will view it in the light of an unjustifiable partiality, calculated to sow the seeds of uneasiness, and finally to lead to consequences, which ingenuity may attribute to other causes. Privileged orders, and chartered monopolies, generally give disgust to men of liberal views and honourable feelings. And in the eyes of disaffection, they appear like nests, in which hornets assemble to find security, and from which they swarm, to prey upon the vitals of their country. In imaginary theories, and visionary speculations, it may sometimes be pleasing to indulge; but neither Annual Parliaments, Universal Suffrage, the annihilation of the Borough System, nor Parliamentary Reform, is required to remove the evils to which I have alluded. His Majesty's Ministers already possess a sufficiency of power. Neither have we a right to accuse them of indifference to the voice of local complaint, when the affairs of an empire demand their attention. Disappointed ambition, and selfish feeling, may generate principles which prudence will not adopt. On every occasion, patience and moderation are guides which discretion will direct us to follow. Affairs of prior importance have the first claim on the wisdom of our rulers; but when these are adjusted, more diminutive objects may expect to be examined. These considerations should admonish us rather to "bear the ill we have, than fly to others that we know not of." We hope, however, that the period is not remote, when legislative wisdom will be directed to more domestic concerns, and when the language of complaint will be followed by a redress of griev America. They seem apparently open to the inspection of all; and no one can doubt, that, in their final issues, they are deeply interesting to mankind. Yet the accounts we receive respecting them are frequently conflicting, inconsistent, and even contradictory. It has long since been remarked, that EMPIRE, which began in the East, will finally take up its abode in the West; and erect its vast metropolis in a region, which shall be sufficiently extensive for its gigantic form and power; and which is not too thickly sown with kingdoms to be long at peace. So far as history and observation can give us any information, we have seen this prophetic sentiment partially verified. The four great monarchies of the world have lived their day, and disappeared; and we have seen another, which, in one period of its history, threatened to rival its predecessors, perish almost with the moment that gave it birth. On the Western side of the Atlantic, we beheld, about forty years since, a convulsive effort made, by an embodied association of colonists, in favour of that freedom for which many of their ancestors had bled. Their struggles were successful: and we now perceive, on a scale which modern Europe never saw, an independent nation springing from this source, and rising above the political horizon, decorated with majestic splendour, like the orb of day; and rapidly advancing towards a degree of perfection, which seems to set all calculation at defiance. South America is, now, almost what North America was; and, if we may presume to reason from analogy, it will be what North America now is. Should this dreadful contest thus terminate, those who are now denominated Insurgents, will hereafter be considered as the founders of an empire, which may rival the splendours of the North; and we may expect it to shine with undiminished lustre, when the Mother Country shall be consigned to those shades in which nothing can thrive, but the poisonous weeds of despotism and superstition. The king of Spain, as if aware of the destinies which await his power, should his efforts to re-establish his dominion prove unsuccessful, seems to have resorted to a desperate measure, which at once betrays the weakness of his cause, and his own apprehensions of danger; but which, in all probability, will ultimately tend to accelerate that ruin which he appears most solicitous to avert. He has issued a mandate, we are informed, declaring that all foreigners taken in arms, under the banners of the Insurgents, or who shall be found guilty of aiding and abetting their cause, by supplying them with means to carry on the war, shall suffer death. A mandate of this desperate complexion, speaks more than a volume could communicate. It is rarely that the supporters of any cause resort to such dreadful expedients, until they find it in a declining state. It is in politics as it is in theology;—the defenceless part of every creed is generally guarded by anathemas. This mandate of his Most Catholic Majesty reminds us of a little story, related by one of the ancient classical writers, which is nearly as follows: When Jove, who was interested in the concerns of mankind, forsook the region of nectar, and came down to visit our abode, he travelled for some time incognito, mixing with various companies, to learn their opinions, and to gather information. It happened, in one of these excursions, that he fell into the company of a countryman, on whom elocution had never dispensed its much coveted blessings. Thus circumstanced, Jove took the lead in conversation, and introduced his observations with such rapidity, that the countryman had little more to do than to signify his assent to what was proposed. Jove, however, at length advanced a proposition, which his companion heard without making any reply. This awakened his suspicions, and led him to inquire into the cause of his silence. The countryman replied, that he doubted the propriety of what his unknown companion had asserted. "Do you doubt?" cried Jove, in an angry tone, at the same time throwing off his mask, and assuming his real character:-" Then I appeal to my thunder, for the truth of what I have advanced." "I suspected," rejoined the countryman, "that you were wrong when I first withheld my assent; but now you appeal to your thunder, I know it. He who is right, does not need the assistance of thunder." 66 INDEPENDENCE IN HUMBLE LIFE. HATEMTIA, who was one of the most wealthy among the Arabians, was blessed with a disposition that rendered him as liberal as he was rich. His alms were not only bestowed in private, but he made large donations to such as applied every day for relief at his gate. As liberality has in general more admirers than imitators, so the man who possesses wealth or power is rarely at a loss for sycophants, who offer up their incense at the shrine of adulation. One day a friend of Hatemtia, praising his generosity, said, "I think there never was a man of a more noble spirit." "I beg your pardon," returned Hatemtia, "I not long since met a poor fellow staggering under a bundle of thorns, which he had been cutting for fire-wood. Seeing his poverty, I asked him, why, instead of labouring so hard, he did not go to the gate of Hatemtia for relief? The poor man replied, "He who can earn a morsel of bread by his own industry, has no need to be obliged to Hatemtia.' This man's mind was truly noble." This is nearly the only similitude which we have traced. From any of our readers, who may have turned their attention to antiquarian researches, we shall be glad to receive a communication, which will meet the inquiries of our Leeds correspondent.] AN INSTANCE OF INGENIOUS DEPRA- THE age in which we live, though distinguished for many other striking peculiarities, is rendered remarkable for active benevolence, for a diffusion of light, an increase of pauperism, and for melancholy instances of moral depravity. To prevent, in some degree, the vices from becoming contagious, many salutary regulations have been - proposed, respecting the distribution of criminals in our common gaols; and not a few have been introduced, through which the juvenile offender is prevented from growing hardened in his iniquities, by associating with such veterans in guilt as nothing can reclaim. The necessity of these measures may be gathered from the following anecdote, which to many of our readers may appear perfectly new. A man, who had committed a robbery, attended with some peculiar circumstances of aggravation, was taken into custody, and consigned to the com'mon gaol, to take his trial at the ensuing assizes. As this was his first offence, he felt all the degradation and horror of his situation, which an awakened conscience could impart. Giving way to serious reflections, and anticipating his approaching destiny, he became so much dejected, that his conduct excited the attention of his fellow-prisoners; who, being greater proficients in vice than himself, amused themselves with his weakness; and, regardless of their own condition, sported with his approaching fate. One among them, however, in whom art, impudence, and criminality, had combined, took an occasion more gravely to reprimand his melancholy companion, on account of his dejection; assuring him, that unless he turned his attention to the means of eluding justice, the consequences would be serious. He was informed in reply by the young offender, that he had no hope of escaping, the evidence being strong and pointed against him; and that his own conscience directed him to plead guilty. "There is no case so hopeless," it was intimated, "from which a man, with a little money and good management, may not be extricated. If you have any money, and will follow my direction, I will engage, for a given sum, to bring you off with honour." Revived a little at the prospect of a release, though only promised by a fellow-prisoner, the young criminal listened with much attention; and began to inquire, on what foundation he could rest his hopes? "This is a point," replied his instructor, "which I will not reveal. Your business is to secure the certain payment of the money on your acquittai; to plead not guilty at the bar; and, when discharged, to provide for your own safety: the rest of the business you are to leave with me."Shocked at the idea of pleading not guilty, in a case which he knew to be so clear, the young man hesitated to follow the advice given; since his only hopes of a mitigation of punishment arose from a consciousness of his penitence, and the compassion of his prosecutors. "Unless you will consent boldly to plead not guilty," replied the veteran, I will have nothing to do with you; and you will inevitably be hanged."-The hope of life being too strong for the voice of conscience, the young man consented to plead not guilty; and their affairs were soon arranged. "You have now," said the instructor," nothing more to do, than to make me acquainted with every minute circumstance connected with the robbery. Give me the time, the place, the light, the company, the dress, the conversation, with all the minute particulars of which you have any recollection." The young man again hesitated, being unwilling to put his life into the hands of a villain, who had refused to confide in him even the secret of his own escape. This hesitation, however, was soon overcome, when he was informed, that "without it he must die on the gallows; and that, even if this effort to save him proved ineffectual, he could but be hanged at last." Their affairs having reached this crisis, they retired to some corner, where the young man communicated every circumstance of the robbery which he recollected. This, by repetition, was soon impressed upon the mind of his companion; who, by questions and observations, continued to increase his |
