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RELEASE OF PRISONERS.

1742.] second time before Acapulco, the Commodore resolved not to lose a moment's time longer, but to run off the coast with the utmost expedition; both as the stormy season on the coast of Mexico was now approaching apace, and as we were apprehensive of having the westerly monsoon to struggle with when we came upon the coast of China. And therefore he no longer stood towards Acapulco, as he now wanted no answer from the Governor ; but yet he resolved not to deprive his prisoners of the liberty which he had promised them, so that they were all immediately embarked in two launches which belonged to our prizes, those from the Centurion in one launch, and those from the Gloucester in the other. The launches were well equipped with masts, sails, and oars; and, lest the wind might prove unfavourable, they had a stock of water and provisions put on board them sufficient for fourteen days. There were discharged thirty-nine persons from on board the Centurion, and eighteen from the Gloucester, the greatest part of them Spaniards, the rest Indians and sick Negroes; but as our crews were very weak, we kept the Mulattoes and some of the stoutest of the Negroes, with a few Indians, to assist us, but we dismissed every Spanish prisoner whatever. We have since learned that these two launches arrived safe at Acapulco, where the prisoners could not enough extol the humanity with which they had been treated; and that the Governor, before their arrival, had returned a very obliging answer to the Commodore's letter, and had attended it with a present of two boats laden with the choicest refreshments and provisions which were to be got at Acapulco; but that these boats, not having found our ships, were at length obliged to put back again after having thrown all their

1 "About four in the evening they left us," says Thomas, "having first, though enemies, observed the custom of seafaring people at parting, and wished us a prosperous voyage.

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provisions overboard in a storm which threatened their destruction.

The sending away our prisoners was our last transaction on the American coast, for no sooner had we parted with them than we and the Gloucester made sail to the SW., proposing to get a good offing from the land, where we hoped in a few days to meet with the regular trade-wind, which the accounts of former navigators had represented as much brisker and steadier in this ocean than in any other part of the globe. For it has been esteemed no uncommon passage to run from hence to the easternmost parts of Asia in two months, and we flattered ourselves that we were as capable of making an expeditious passage as any ships that had ever run this course before us; so that we hoped soon to gain the coast of China, for which we were now bound. And conformable to the general idea of this navigation given by former voyagers, we considered it as free from all kinds of embarrassment of bad weather, fatigue, or sickness: and consequently we undertook it with alacrity, especially as it was no contemptible step towards our arrival at our native country, for which many of us by this time began to have great longings. Thus, on the 6th of May, we for the last time lost sight of the mountains of Mexico, persuaded that in a few weeks we should arrive at the River of Canton in China, where we expected to meet with many English ships and numbers of our countrymen, and hoped to enjoy the advantages of an amicable, well-frequented port, inhabited by a polished people, and abounding with the conveniences and indulgences of a civilised life, blessings which now for near twenty months had never been once in our power.2

In the original, a Fourteenth Chapter of Book II. is devoted to a disquisition, entitled "A brief Account of what might have been expected from our squadron had it arrived in the South Seas in good time;" but, apart from the unprofitableness of dis

CHAPTER I.

BOOK III.

there were other circumstances attending it which rendered this situation not less terrible, and our apprehensions perhaps still greater, than in any of our past distresses. For our two ships were by this time extremely crazy; and many days had not passed before we discovered a spring in the foremast of the Centurion, which rounded about twenty-six inches of its circumference, and which was judged to be at least four inches deep. And no sooner had our car

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WHEN, on the 6th of May 1742, we left the coast of America, we stood to the SW. with a view of meeting with the NE. trade-wind, which the accounts of former writers made us expect at seventy or eighty leagues' distance from the land. We had, besides, another reason for standing to the southward, which was the getting into the Latitude of 13° or 14° N., that being the parallel where the Pacific Ocean is most usually crossed, and conse-penters secured this with fishing it, quently where the navigation is esteem- but the Gloucester made a signal ed the safest. This last purpose we of distress; and we learned that she had soon answered, being in a day or had a dangerous spring in her maintwo sufficiently advanced to the south. mast twelve feet below the trusselAt the same time, we were also farther trees, so that she could not carry from the shore than we had presumed any sail upon it. Our carpenters, was necessary for falling in with the on a strict examination of this mast, trade-wind; but in this particular we found it so very rotten and decayed were most grievously disappointed, for that they judged it necessary to the wind still continued to the west-cut it down as low as it appeared to ward, or at best variable. As the getting into the NE. trade was to us a matter of the last consequence, we stood more to the southward, and made many experiments to meet with it; but all our efforts were for a long time unsuccessful, so that it was seven weeks from our leaving the coast before we got into the true trade-wind. This was an interval in which we believed we should well nigh have reached the easternmost parts of Asia; but we were so baffled with the contrary and variable winds which for all that time perplexed us, that we were not as yet advanced above a fourth part of the way. The delay alone would have been a sufficient mortification, but

cussing a probability subject to so many conditions that the Narrator could not contemplate, it will appear to the reader that quite enough has been said, both in the opening Chapter and throughout the whole narrative, to show wherein and how the squadron came short of its intents.

have been injured, and by this it was reduced to nothing but a stump, which served only as a step to the topmast. These accidents augmented our delay and occasioned us great anxiety about our future security, for on our leaving the coast of Mexico the scurvy had begun to make its appearance again amongst our people, though from our departure from Juan Fernandez we had till then enjoyed a most uninterrupted state of health. We too well knew the effects of this disease from our former fatal experience, to suppose that anything but a speedy passage could secure the greater part of our crew from perishing by it; and as, after being seven weeks at sea, there did not appear any reasons that could persuade us we were nearer the

1 Or trestle-trees; 66 'two strong pieces of timber placed horizontally and fore-and-aft on opposite sides of a mast-head, to support the cross-trees and top, and also for the fid of the mast above to rest on."

1742.] APPEARANCE OF SCURVY AMONGST THE CREW. 429

and did not in the least avail his patients.3

When we reached the trade-wind, and it settled between the north and the east, yet it seldom blew with so much strength but the Centurion might have carried all her small sails abroad with the greatest safety; so that now, had we been a single ship, we might have run down our longi tude apace, and have reached the Ladrones soon enough to have recovered great numbers of our men who after

trade-wind than when we first set out, there was no ground for us to suppose but our passage would prove at least three times as long as we at first expected; and consequently we had the melancholy prospect either of dying by the scurvy or perishing with the ship for want of hands to navigate her. Indeed some amongst us were at first willing to believe that in this warm climate, so different from what we felt in passing round Cape Horn, the violence of this disease and its fatality might be in some degree miti-wards perished. But the Gloucester, gated, as it had not been unusual to suppose that its particular virulence in that passage was in a great measure owing to the severity of the weather. But the havoc of the distemper in our present circumstances soon convinced us of the falsity of this speculation, as it likewise exploded some other opinions which usually pass current about the cause and nature of this disease. Our surgeon (who, during our passage round Cape Horn, had ascribed the mortality we suffered to the severity of the climate) exerted himself in the present run to the utmost, and at last declared that all his measures were totally ineffectual,

1 Some observations on the general medical treatment of the disease, and on the effect of certain specifics tried on some of the crew, have been here omitted. Speaking of the scurvy, Thomas strives to remove the prevalent notion that it attacks none but the lazy; whereas experience in the voyage proved the direct contrary, the most laborious, active, stirring persons being oftenest seized with the disease, and the continuance of their labour, instead of curing, only helped to kill them the sooner. Nor, he adds, does the scurvy generally in cline people to indolence till it has come to such a height that at the least motion the sufferer is ready to faint.

2 Mr Henry Ettrick, originally of the Wager; he succeeded Mr Thomas Walter, the first surgeon of the Centurion, who died off the coast of Brazil.

by the loss of her mainmast, sailed so very heavily that we had seldom any more than our topsails set, and yet were frequently obliged to lie to for her; and, I conceive, that in the whole we lost little less than a month by our attendance upon her, in consequence of the various mischances she encountered. In all this run, it was remarkable that we were rarely many days together without seeing great numbers of birds, which is a proof that there are many islands, or at least rocks, scattered all along at no very considerable distance from our track.4 Some indeed there are

About the middle of June, Thomas remarks that abundance of scorbutic symptoms, such as blackness in the skin, hard nodes in the flesh, shortness of breath, and a general lassitude and weakness of all the parts, began to prevail almost universally among the people. Towards the end of July he writes: "About this time our people began to die very fast, and I believe above five parts out of six of the ship's company were ill and expected to follow in a short time. Those whose breath was anyways af fected, dropped off immediately; but those who were attacked first in the more remote parts of the body, languished generally a month or six weeks, the distemper advancing in the meantime towards the lungs by a very regular and sensible approach.

4 More recent discoveries have fully borne out this sagacious conjecture. Thomas records, early in July: "We had, not only now, but for almost our

being then, as we esteemed, about 300 leagues distant from the Ladrones, we met with a westerly wind, which did not come about again to the eastward in four days' time. This was a most dispiriting incident, as it at once damped all our hopes of speedy relief, especially, too, as it was attended with a vexatious accident to the Gloucester; for in one part of these four days the wind flattened to a calm, and the ships rolled very deep, by which means the Gloucester's forecap split, and her topmast came by the board and broke her foreyard directly in the slings. As she was hereby rendered incapable of mak

marked in Spanish charts; but the frequency of the birds seems to evince that there are many more than have been hitherto discovered; for the greatest part of the birds, we observed, were such as are known to roost on shore; and the manner of their appearance sufficiently made out that they came from some distant haunt every morning, and returned thither again in the evening; for we never saw them early or late, and the hour of their arrival and departure gradually varied, which we supposed was occasioned by our running nearer their haunts or getting farther from them. The trade-wind continued to favouring any sail for some time, we were us without any fluctuation from the obliged, as soon as a gale sprung up, to end of June till towards the end of take her in tow; and near twenty of July. But on the 26th of July, the healthiest and ablest of our seamen were taken from the business of our own ship, and were employed for eight or ten days together on board the Gloucester in repairing her damages. But these things, mortifying as we thought them, were but the beginning of our disasters; for scarce had our people finished their business in the Gloucester, before we met with a most violent storm in the western board, which obliged us to lie to. In the beginning of this storm our ship sprung a leak, and let in so much water, that all our people, officers included, were employed continually in working the pumps. And the next day we had the vexation to see the Gloucester

whole passage, abundance of birds of prey, also flying fish, which are their proper food, and vast quantities of skip-jacks, albicores, &c., whereof we took a great number, which contributed much to our refreshment after the loss of the tortoises, that generally leave all ships about twenty or thirty leagues off the land. I think this the more worthy of notice, because Dampier, Rogers, Cook, Cowley, and most other voyagers, some of whom have been not only once, but several times on this voyage, have reported that they never saw a fish or fowl in this whole run. For my part, I readily believe and conclude, that this difference in our observations and accounts is really occasioned by the different seasons of the year in which we happened to perform this passage; it being a known truth, and confirmed by the experience of thousands in all ages, that most fish have their different seasons for their different rendezvouses. The 10th, we saw three gannets, or, as they call them in Scotland, solan geese, being, by what I can learn from the most intelligent of that nation whom I have conversed with, and who often have opportunity to observe them in several different parts, of one and the same species."

1 Anson records in his Official Report: "On the 15th of June the Gloucester found her mainmast sprung at the head, which, upon examination, was discovered to be entirely rotten. On the 29th of July the Gloucester carried away her foretopmast and foreyard. My ship's company are now miserably afflicted with the scurvy, the ship very leaky, the men and officers that were well being only able to make one spell at the pump.' "This is all," observes Sir John Barrow, "that Anson says of the second attack of this afflicting malady; but, coming from the Commodore, it speaks volumes."

"

1742.]

DISTRESS OF THE GLOUCESTER.

with her topmast once more by the board; and whilst we were viewing her with great concern for this new distress, we saw her maintop-mast, which had hitherto served as a jury mainmast, share the same fate. This completed our misfortunes, and rendered them without resource; for we knew the Gloucester's crew were so few and feeble that without our assist`ance they could not be relieved; and our sick were now so far increased, and those that remained in health so continually fatigued with the additional duty of our pumps, that it was impossible for us to lend them any aid. Indeed we were not as yet fully apprised of the deplorable situation of the Gloucester's crew; for when the storm abated (which during its continuance prevented all communication with them) the Gloucester bore up under our stern, and Captain Mitchel informed the Commodore that besides the loss of his masts, which was all that had appeared to us, the ship had then no less than seven feet of water in her hold, although his officers and men had been kept constantly at the pump for the last twenty-four hours.

This last circumstance was indeed a most terrible accumulation to the other extraordinary distresses of the Gloucester, and required, if possible, the most speedy and vigorous assistance, which Captain Mitchel begged the Commodore to send him. But the debility of our people, and our own immediate preservation, rendered it impossible for the Commodore to comply with his request. All that could be done was to send our boat on board for a more particular condition of the ship; and it was soon suspected that the taking her people on board us, and then destroying her, was the only measure that could be prosecuted in the present emergency, both for the security of their lives and of our own. Our boat soon returned with a representation of the state of the Gloucester, and of her several defects, signed by Captain Mitchel and all his officers; by which it appeared that she had sprung

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a leak by the sternpost being loose and working with every roll of the ship, and by two beams amidships being broken in the orlop, no part of which the carpenters reported was possible to be repaired at sea; that both officers and men had worked twenty-four hours at the pump without intermission, and were at length so fatigued that they could continue their labour no longer, but had been forced to desist, with seven feet of water in the hold, which covered their casks, so that they could neither come at fresh water nor provision; that they had no mast standing except the foremast, the mizzenmast, and the mizzentop-mast, nor had they any spare masts to get up in the room of those they had lost; that the ship was besides extremely decayed in every part, for her knees and clamps were all worked quite loose, and her upper works in general were so loose that the quarter-deck was ready to drop down; and that her crew was greatly reduced, for there remained alive on board her no more than seventy-seven men, eighteen boys, and two prisoners, officers included; and that of this whole number only sixteen men and eleven boys were capable of keeping the deck, and several of these very infirm.

The Commodore, on the perusal of this melancholy representation, presently ordered them a supply of water and provisions, of which they seemed to be in immediate want, and at the same time sent his own carpenter on board them to examine into the truth of

every particular; and it being found, on the strictest inquiry, that the preceding account was in no instance exaggerated, it plainly appeared that there was no possibility of preserving the Gloucester any longer, as her leaks were irreparable, and the united hands on board both ships, capable of working, would not be able to free her, even if our own ship should not employ any part of them. What then could be resolved on, when it was the utmost we ourselves could do to manage our own pumps? Indeed, there was no room for deliberation;

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