then, and yet they would not fight for him, no, not to defend his person, crown, and dignity. And, though they call him their king still, it is certain he is not king of England, whatever right they may think he has to be so; and, therefore, to fight for him now, is not to fight for the king, but to fight to make him king again. But, to let that pass, suppose him to be their king, since they will have him so, how do they come to be more obliged to fight for him now he is out of the throne, than they were to fight for him while he was in it? If they think it their duty to fight for their king, against the religion, the laws, and the liberties of their country, it was their duty to have fought for him then; if they do not think this, it cannot be their duty to fight for him now.

But they did not expect what followed; they desired to have their laws and liberties secured, but not that he should lose his crown: I believe very few did then expect what followed, no more than they do now consider what will follow: But, since he would leave his crown, who could help it? For no body took it from him.

3. Let me then ask them another question: whether they would think themselves bound in conscience to fight for him, did they verily believe, that if he recovered his throne, he would as zealously promote popery and arbitrary power, as he did before? If they say they would not, they have been at their non putaram once already; a second oversight, in the same kind, would be worse than the first. If they say they would, I give them over, as professed enemies to the true religion, and the liberties of mankind.

This, I hope, may satisfy the non-swearers, if they will coolly and seriously consider it, that they are not bound in conscience to fight for the late king; nay, that they are as much bound in conscience not to fight for him, as they are bound not to fight against the protestant religion, and civil liberties, not only of England, but of all Europe.

2. As for those who have sworn allegiance to King William and Queen Mary; besides all the former considerations, they are under the obligations of an oath, not to fight against their present majesties, whose sworn subjects and liegemen they are. For let them expound faith and true allegiance, to as low a sense as possibly they can, the least, that they ever could make of it, is to live quietly and peaceably under their government; not to attempt any thing against their persons, or crowns; not to hold any correspondence with, nor to give any assistance to their enemies; and, therefore, to countenance a French invasion, or to assist the late king in recovering the throne, which their majesties so well fill, and which they have sworn not to dispossess them of, must be downright perjury. If they be sure that their oaths to the late king still oblige them, that, indeed, would make void the obligation of this second oath: but then they must be guilty of perjury in taking it, and by the breaking of it will declare to all the world, that they deliberately and wilfully perjured themselves when they took it; and let them remember this, when they take arms against their majesties, and let them expect that recompence which they deserve.

Those who took this, only as a temporary oath, which obliged them no longer than till the late king should return into England again to demand his crown, are guilty of perjury, if they keep it no longer than till they have a promising opportunity to break it: for this is to mock God, and to deceive the government by their oaths: for no man can think that the meaning of the oath was no more but this; I do promise and swear to bear faith and true allegiance to King William and Queen Mary, till I have power and opportunity, 'by the return of King James with a French army, to join his forces, ' and to assist him to recover his throne.' Those, who will take and keep oaths at this rate, we must leave to God: but nothing is more plain and certain, than that the new oath of allegiance obliges all, who have taken it, under the guilt of perjury, at least not to fight for the late king, against King William and Queen Mary.

And here I may very fairly conclude, without entering into a longer dispute about the lawfulness of fighting against a foreign army, though the late king were at the head of it; for were those, who scruple this, satisfied, that they ought not to fight for him, their present majesties have friends enough, who are very well satisfied to fight against him; especially bringing along with him the greatest enemies both to the protestant religion, and to the civil liberties, not only of the English nation, but of all the kingdoms and states of Europe, France itself not excepted.

However, this letter is large enough already, and if I find you desire farther satisfaction in this matter, especially about the late King James's declaration, which is lately come to my hands, you may expect a speedy account of it in a second letter, from,

Sir, yours.

A

DIARY OF THE SIEGE

AND

SURRENDER OF LIMERICK,

WITH THE ARTICLES AT LARGE, BOTH CIVIL AND MILITARY.
Published by Authority.

London, Printed for R. TAYLOR, near Stationers-Hall, 1692.

Quarto, containing Thirty-six Pages.

The Publisher to the Reader.

THE following series, being a faithful diary of every day's mo. tions and measures, throughout the siege of Limerick, to th last finishing articles, both civil and military, past upon the sur render of it, I hope this narrative will make my reader no unac ceptable present.

The time, I confess, has been, when this treatise would have been a more popular theme; the articles of the surrender of Limerick being, not long since, the subject of no common longings and curiosity. Upon perusal of which, the reader, I am certain, will join with me in this one just remark, that, in all the glories of our deservingly great monarch, mercy is one of his most shining titles: his enemies have met that both unexpected and unmerited clemency, in his majesty's most gracious concessions towards them, that plainly tells the world, the whole business of his arms was to reclaim, not vanquish; he infringes not liberty, even where he makes subjection.

There is one farther recommendation to our short, but glorious history, viz. That what I here present you, is the work of English hands; and that, without vanity, the whole progress of the late English arms, in Ireland, has as much signalised the true British valour, as any of the antiquer monuments of our remoter recorded predecessors. And, indeed, to crown all these glorious successes, there seems to be a continued chain of providences attending that whole expedition; for, not to instance his majesty's prodigious victory at the Boyne, with which all tongues are already filled; together with that famous battle at Aghrim, where fortune, for some hours, stood dubious; and, indeed, the whole conduct and zeal of the renowned general, Ginckle, who challenges our no common applause and veneration: perhaps, nothing was more remarkably signal, than the siege of Athlone, affording, possibly, one of the fairest laurels through that whole scene of British glory. For when, after our possession of the hither part of the town, the enemy, who had broken down the bridge, had so often burnt our fascines, and so resolutely opposed our passage that way; insomuch that the general, despairing of approaching on that side, had resolved to draw off, and to pass the Shannon higher above the town, though so late in the year, and the summer so far advanced, to begin a new siege on the other side, in the face of the Irish army that lay incamped there: it was, I say, major, now lieutenant general Talmache's proposal, at a council of war (in which he very hardly prevailed) to head, as a voluntier, a select party of 1500, and wade the river, to enter the breach: which he executed with that celerity and courage, that the storming and taking of that important place was an action unprecedented, and inimitable; with so poor a handful, to push so bold a sword, and carry so intire a victory, against so great a strength within, and the whole Irish army but an hour's march without, was an enterprise so hardy, and that so purely and wholly his own, that posterity will read it with wonder; and which, to his lasting fame, will supply as gallant a memorial, as ever adorned the English annals.

And as the early conquest of that garison was the key, that, soon after, opened the gates of Galway and Limerick; and, consequently, the expeditious reduction of Ireland, so highly both to the English glory, his majesty's interest, and the advantage of christendom, was so much owing to that memorable action; I may justly say,

that, whatever other hands joined in the accomplishing, the only hand, that shortened the great work, was Talmache's, and it was by his conduct and gallantry, in that eminent service, that 1691 saw that finished, which, otherwise, had been the subject of a longer, if not a more hazardous dispute.

AUGUST, 1691, the general having resolved on the forming of the siege of Limerick, and, in order thereunto, having given orders for Capt. Coal, with his squadron, to sail down the Shannon, and for the immediate marching of twenty-six whole cannon, mortars, &c. from Athlone, to meet him there: on the 3d of August, the whole army passed the Shannon at Banahar-Bridge, and came the same night to Birr, which place is distant from Limerick thirty miles. The general having received an account, by deserters, that Brigadier Carral was posted with a party of Irish, at a place called Nenagh, which is a pass fourteen miles from Limerick, gave orders to Brigadier Levison, with a detached party, to go and attack the said place, who marched from the camp early this morning, with five hundred horse and dragoons.

4th. Brigadier Levison, with his party, got yesterday in the evening to Nenagh; at whose approach, the governor Carral set the town on fire, and then quitted it in great haste; but the fire was soon put out by eleven of our men, who happened to be prisoners there, and were left behind.

5th. This day, we marched from Birr, and marched to a place called Burraskeen, where we incamped the same night.

6th. This evening, we reached Nenagh. Here we received an account, that Brigadier Levison, with his horse and dragoons, pursued Carral, and his party, so closely, and so far, that, within four miles of Limerick, he took all their baggage, amongst which were two rich coats of long Anthony Carral's, one valued at eighty pounds, the other at forty guineas, and about forty pistoles in gold; as also four hundred and fifty head of large black cattle, and some sheep, which the enemy's sudden flight would not suffer them to carry off.

7th. This morning, a party marched from the camp towards Killaloo, in search of the rebels, who killed two, and took about nine prisoners, which were all of the enemy they could meet with, and in the evening returned to the camp with a great prey of cattle.

8th. Some pioneers, under the convoy of a good party of horse and dragoons, marched this morning towards the Silver Mines, to mend the roads for our carriages. A brigadier, and two of the late King James's horse-guards, who deserted the enemy, came into the camp with their horses and accoutrements, and advised us, that the enemy were intrenching themselves near Carrick-Inlish.

9th. Lieutenant-Colonel Oxborough, with a lieutenant, the servants and accoutrements, came over to us, from the enemy, as also did another officer and eleven musqueteers, with their arms. A man and a woman were this day hanged in the camp, the man for

robbing, and the woman for murdering one of our soldiers near Galway. Mr. Richards, secretary, and adjutant-general to Baldarick O'Donnel, who had been with the general in the camp four or five days, went hence this day for Dublin, to confer with the lords justices.

10th. Several considerable deserters came into our camp, this day, from the enemy's quarters; they gave us an account, that both French and Irish were mightily surprised to find our ships in the Shannon, having been possessed, that the French were masters at sea, and that we durst not adventure so far.

11th. This morning we decamped from Nenagh, and the same night we came to a place called Shalley, about two miles from the Silver Mines, a very wild part of the country.

12th. This day we marched again, and came to a small village called Tulla; here we incamped, and lay till the 13th, on which day we decamped, and came that day to Carrick-Inlish, which is situate about four miles from Limerick.

14th. This day the general went out of the camp, at the head of fifteen hundred detached horse and dragoons, advancing with them within sight of Limerick, and, having beaten in the enemy's outguards, took a view of their works from the hill, where our artillery incamped the last year. In the evening the general returned again to the camp.

15th. This day several deserters came over to us, and confirmed an account we had before received, that Sarsfield, with the enemy's horse, was retired to the other side of the Shannon, being incamped in the county of Clare, about four miles above Limerick ; and that their foot were drawn in within their intrenchments. They informed us likewise, that the Earl of Tyrconnel was very ill, and had received the extreme unction.

16th. This afternoon Sir John Hanmore, with five regiments of foot, from Cork and the neighbouring garrisons, joined us MajorGeneral La Forest marched out of the camp this day, with a strong detachment of horse and foot, towards Athlone, to meet that part of our artillery that were coming from thence, under the convoy of Col. Lloyd's regiment; these guns consist of nine twenty-fourpounders, nine eighteen-pounders, and four large mortars, being an addition to the train of artillery we brought with us from Galway.

17th. This morning three deserters came into our camp, who brought us the following accounts: that the Earl of Tyrconnel died on the 14th, the ill condition of the Irish affairs having broke his heart; that he was buried at Limerick on the 16th, and that a commission was produced from the late king, which Mr. Plowden (formerly one of the commissioners of the revenue in Ireland) brought lately from France, appointing Sir Alexander Fitton, Sir Richard Neagle, and the said Plowden, justices of Ireland.

18th. We had an account this day, that Col. Henry Lutterel had been lately seized at Limerick, by order of the French Lieutenant General D'Ussoon, for having made some proposals for a surrender