to the consequences that might ensue from that decision, and finally resolved to await the result of the new efforts promised by his allies, who at length succeeded in obtaining some of the concessions demanded.

In the month of June, the Emperor visited the military colonies established in the neighbourhood of Novogorod. He had named the Grand Duke Constantine General-in-Chief of the troops cantoned in Lithuania, and some important changes had taken place in the army of the south, commanded by Count Wittgenstein. Soon after, a report was circulated that some democratic proceedings had been discovered in the corps d'armée of General Sabaniew, and particularly in the division of Orloff, where the Lancasterian method of instruction had been introduced. This rumour was almost immediately contradicted by the Government, and seems to have arisen from some symptoms of impatience manifested by the troops at being kept in a state of inactivity, in the neighbourhood, as it were, of a contest in which they burned to engage, in aid of those whom a common faith taught them to regard as brethren. But be this as it may, the Russian Government became daily less favourable to the Greek cause. Subscriptions, it is true, still continued to be opened in favour of the refugee Greeks; the Emperor himself had given 150,000 roubles; and the sums subscribed, amounting to about 975,000 roubles, had been successively sent to Kischenew and Odessa; but this was all that the Greeks had henceforth to hope for. The Emperor was not so much alarmed for the ruin of their cause, as for the spread of revolutionary doctrines; nor half so much offended with the impracticable obstinacy of the Divan, as with the progress of Spanish liberty. A war in favour of the Greeks would have been hailed with enthusiasm by the Russian

army, and the Government had apparently a strong inclination to embark in such a contest; but a lesser interest was compelled to yield to a greater, and the dread of levelling principles, conjoined with the opposition of the other members of the Holy Alliance, led Russia to adopt a line of policy which has for ever compromised her character with all generous nations.

be

The measures of internal administration which occupied the attention of the Russian Cabinet, do not seem to call for any particular notice. A new tariff, which had been several months under the consideration of a special committee, appointed to examine and report on the measures most proper to be adopted against the importation and transit of foreign productions, was on the 24th approved by the Emperor, and of consequence came a law of the empire. This tariff was, in fact, the counterpart of the Loi des Douanes, of which we had occasion to speak under the head of France, and was intended to carry the prohibitive system into full force, especially a gainst the produce and manufactures of this country, the woollens, hardware, &c. of which were totally excluded from the Russian market. The effects of this tariff were soon felt, and considerable seizures of foreign goods made at Moscow and other cities; but, in spite of the utmost activity of the customhouse officers, smuggling to a great extent was carried on, which this new law was indeed eminently calculated to encourage.

Secret societies, which have occasioned so much alarm in Italy, Germany, and France, had been able, it would seem, to propagate their species even in Muscovy, and particularly in Poland. As soon as this became known, a severe ukase was issued, ordaining all persons in the employment of the Government to take an oath that they were members of no se

cret association, either within or with out the empire, or that they would immediately break off all connection with such institutions, on pain of being deprived of their employments, and incurring the utmost displeasure of the Government; and declaring that no individual could be capable of holding any office, civil or military, till he had sworn and signed a declaration to this effect. This decree was executed with the utmost rigour in Poland, which, from all the accounts we have seen, was by no means in a settled or tranquil state. This is confirmed by the measures adopted in relation to that illfated country. The youth of Poland were forbidden to proceed to study at any foreign university, without having first obtained the permission of the Emperor; and new and more vigorous restrictions were imposed on the periodical press, that powerful engine for enlightening the minds of the people.

The finances of Russia, like those of Austria, Prussia, and Holland, were not in the most prosperous condition. About the end of June, she negociated a loan with a house in London (Rothschild) for forty-three millions of roubles, or about three millions and a half Sterling, upon the credit of the sinking-fund appropriated for the extinction of the Russian debt. But while the income is not equal to the expenditure, it is difficult to discover whence that fund can arise. It is deserving of remark, that the finances of all the Continental Governments, with the exception of those of France, exhibited this year considerable deficits, which, compared with those of preceding years, indicate a gradual deterioration in the resources of these legitimate governments. To the friends of general liberty, this cannot fail to prove consolatory.

VOL. XIV. PART 1

THE HE cause of Greece, at the commencement of the present year, wore a peculiarly prosperous and promising aspect Having hitherto, with comparatively inadequate resources, baffled all the efforts of their mighty adversary, the Greeks were prepared to open a new campaign with much more ample means. They had now arms, artillery, chiefs, some experience, and an organization which, without being very complete, was still somewhat superior to that of the Ottoman armies. They were masters of Attica and the Morea, with the exception of a few fortresses, which they kept under a close blockade; and they held strong and firm footing in Western Greece, in Thessaly, and in the Islands. Yet, amid these flattering circumstances, it was easy to see that they had not yet braved the worst. With whatever fury the Porte had carried on the war, its position in respect to Russia had still obliged it to keep the main force of the empire upon the

Danube; and it had been enabled to push only detached corps into Greece. But its partisans proclaimed, that as soon as the treaties now depending should enable it to make Greece feel the whole weight of its power, the scanty and ill-combined resources of this infant state would not be able, even for a moment, to withstand the shock.

The Greeks, mean time, exulting in their new strength, did not anticipate evil, but busied themselves in giving a regular form to their newly acquired political existence. Corinth, after its capture, was made the central seat of government. Before, however, the Congress left Epidaurus, they emitted a proclamation of independence, and drew up the form of a general constitution for Greece. It may admit of question, how far this last was a welltimed, or even generally expedient arrangement. To a country like Greece, broken by nature into so many small and variously situated portions, a com

munity of detached states, united by federal league, appears to be the form peculiarly adapted. It was under such a form that Greece had risen once to such matchless glory. All the great efforts had hitherto been made by the local governments, and by detached chiefs; and there was great risk in a measure which sunk these into a subordinate and irresponsible position. The plan of the constitution itself did not manifest much political experience. The legislative power was vested in a Senate, which, notwithstanding the gravity of its name, was a mere popular assembly, chosen by annual election from the different districts of Greece. The executive power was lodged in a Council of Five, whose functions also were limited to the period of a year. Its powers were not inconsiderable; for besides the disposal both of the sea and land forces, it could propose laws to the Senate, and interpose a negative on those which had passed that assembly. The year opened with an event deeply affecting the interests of the Turkish empire. We have seen Ali reduced to the brink of destruction, yet desperately struggling, and in some degree recovering his footing. Although the Greeks could never reconcile their minds to any co-operation with their once mortal enemy, yet the resistance of this daring chief served, in spite as it were of themselves, as a powerful diversion in their favour. But the fatal crisis of the destinies of Ali was now approaching. Although Chourschid Pasha pushed with vigour the siege of the Castle on the Lake, he would have made little progress, had not his arms been aided by treason. Tahir Abbas, one of Ali's old officers, bad made great exertions to assemble troops, for the purpose of retrieving his fortunes; and the Albanians, whose attachment to their old ruler began to revive in his adversity, mustered round him in considerable num

bers. Choursehid took the alarm, and made to this person such lavish promises, confirmed by pledges so solemn, that he entirely gained him over. Tahir Abbas introduced himself into the Castle as the friend of Ali, to consult upon their common measures. He is said to have begun by advising him toTM surrender; but finding the old tyrant too wily to be caught in that snare, he found means to corrupt the fidelity of a part of the garrison which had served under himself. An assault being then made by the Turks, that part gave way, and the Castle was carried. Ali, however, had still a resource left. Amid the general mercenary character of his retainers, there were still a chosen few who were ready to share with him life or death. With these, to the number of about a hundred, and with his wives and treasures, he retired into an insulated tower, entirely detached from the rest of the edifice. The lower part of this structure he filled with barrels of gunpowder, and announced the fixed and terrible resolution, that the moment an enemy should set foot within it, the match should be lighted, and the whole in one instant blown into the air.

Ali knew that, without any imagined tenderness towards himself, there were circumstances which would make this resolution appear formidable to Chourschid. Among the motives which had caused his destruction to be so eagerly sought, were his treasures, which were known to be very great, and believed to be truly immense. The Turkish commander paused, and in hopes of avoiding the threatened extremity, had recourse to arts which, however familiar to an eastern politician, were likely to be of little avail against one who had spent a long life in the successful practice of them. He lavished upon him, however, promises, pledges, and every oath which the Mahometan faith accounts most sacred. It has been won

dered how the jealous old tyrant, so deeply versed in Turkish treasons, should have fallen into the snare laid by a much younger chief. But it is to be considered, that he was now close beset with destruction, and that the fulfilment of these promises gave him the only remaining hope of life. The preservation of a part of his treasures, and a refuge in the fortress of ArgyroCastro, were the lures held out to him. He accordingly came down to the citadel, leaving, however, orders to Selim, his most trusty officer, the moment a particular signal should be given, to explode the tower. Chourschid received him with all the honours due to his rank, and with the most distinguish ed courtesy, reiterating in the strongest terms all his former assurances. At the same time he dispatched a courier to the Porte, announcing that its archenemy was now in his power, and that he was ready to execute upon him any sentence which its councils might prescribe. Continuing his attentions, how he prevailed upon him by these, or by threats, (for a perhaps impenetrable veil still hangs over these proceedings,) to give orders for the surrender of the tower and all its contents. A few days after appeared Mehemed Pasha, with a firman from the Porte, decreeing the immediate death of Ali. Mehemed entered the apartment, to execute his own mission. The particulars of this last scene have been variously reported; but it is said that Ali, exclaiming, "Am I to be taken like a woman!" made a desperate resistance. His followers, to the number of fifty, rallied round him, and fought desperately, but were overpowered by superior numbers. Ali fell, covered with crimes, which cried for vengeance. Yet no treachery which he ever practised was more flagrant than that which was exercised against himself; and his fall, at the present moment, was inauspicious to the cause of humanity,

ever,

since it enabled the Porte to direct against Greece those forces for which he had hitherto found ample employ

ment.

The treasures found in Ali's possession did not correspond to the vast expectations formed from the long life and the violent measures which he had employed in amassing them. It was not considered, that, besides the expenses of a court, those of a power which supported itself by mercenary troops must always be very great, and must have been particularly so in those latter periods, when only high bribes could induce many to adhere to his falling fortunes. Rumour also describes him as having buried treasure to a considerable amount. The value found in the tower was not supposed to exceed fifteen millions of piastres, (about L.800,000,) chiefly in jewels.

upon

The arrival of Ali's head at Constantinople threw that capital into a state of almost frantic exultation. That bloody trophy was immediately exhibited in front of the Seraglio, with a yafta or inscription, enumerating all the offences which had brought down his head the just vengeance of the Sublime Porte. The people and the troops, on seeing the fall of this old and obstinate enemy, conceived their power equal to any achievement, even to that of the general extermination of the Infidels; and they loudly demanded to be led without delay against the Muscovites, as the nearest and most odious. It was only by promises of complying with their demand in due time, that a delay could be obtained. The Government itself, in the notes which, on the 24th of February, it delivered to the British and Austrian ambassadors, breathed a high and unwonted tone of defiance, which seemed to remove all pacification to a distance. Yet after this first flush of triumph had ceased, even the Ottoman Cabinet began to feel the madness of rushing into