greater distance than ever; and that, above all, she ought not to be obliged to pursue a course, which, by breaking off abruptly the negociations, destroyed every hope of arriving at a pacific result. M. de Villèle was, therefore, of opinion, that the declarations of the allied powers should be followed up by still more energetic remonstrances on the part of France, and that M. de la Garde should be allowed to continue for some time longer at Madrid, to wait the result. On the other hand, M. de Montmorency wished to act in conjunction with the other powers, by recalling the French Minister from the Court of Madrid, as had been agreed upon at Verona, where he had given a pledge to this effect, under his own personal responsibility. There was no difference of opinion in regard to the principles laid down at Congress; the only point was the form of the declaration; and after a great deal of discussion, and remaining for some time undecided, the Council at length, on the 25th of December, declared in favour of the course recommended by M. de Villèle. This led to the immediate resignation of M. de Montmorency, notwithstanding, on his arrival from Verona, and rendering an account of his mission, his Majesty had been so highly pleased with his

conduct at Congress, that he raised him to the highest grade of the peerage, by creating him a Duke, in testimony of the services which he had just render

ed the Crown.

As is usual upon such occasions, considerable speculation was for some days afloat, as to who would be fixed upon as the Duke de Montmorency's successor in the department of Foreign Affairs. But conjecture was soon set at rest by a royal ordonnance, dated the 28th of December, appointing M. de Chateaubriand to the vacant office. This personage, who has acquired wonderful celebrity in France, by a turgid and declamatory book on the Evidences of the Christian Religion, was probably indebted for his promotion to the intimate connection which subsisted be'tween him and the President of the Council of Ministers, conjoined with the furious Ultraism for which he had made himself so notorious. For some time he coquetted with his appointment, expressing a wish that he would be permitted to refuse the distinguished honour which his Majesty had proposed to confer; but at length he suffered himself to be persuaded of the propriety of acceptance, and became Minister for Foreign Affairs.

THE year 1822 opened, in Spain, amid the most perilous collision of the contending factions. Both were in a state of partial indeed, but open rebellion against the Executive Government. On one side, the great democratic cities of the south, with Cadiz and Seville at their head, openly refused to obey a Ministry whom they considered as hostile to the constitutional system, or at least as incapable of maintaining it in due vigour. On the other hand, their deadly opponents, the Defenders of the Faith, were already, in the northern provinces, mustering that insurrection, which was destined soon to become so formidable. The excesses daily committed by the respective parties more and more exasperated each against the other, and served continually as fuel and motive to fresh corresponding excesses. Between those contending factions was the King, studiously seeking to para

lyse his own Government, leagued in heart with the rebels against it, and earnestly labouring to make its evils more glaring, in order to re-establish on its ruins his own absolute sway.

The most urgent and formidable symptom was the state of the refrac tory cities, which openly resisted the Ministry, and even the mandate of the Cortes, by which they were called upon to obey it. The new commandants and political chiefs arrived at Seville and Cadiz; and the existing authorities there shewed at first a disposition to admit them. At Cadiz, Jauregui announced to the city his successors, whom he loaded with panegyrics, particularly extolling the uniform attachment which they had manifested to the constitution. Next day, however, he proclaimed, that the execution of the ministerial order was suspended, "on account of representations made by this community to the authori

ties." In fact, the violent democratic partisans had taken the alarm, and called together their adherents. Having formed a numerous assemblage, they held their sitting in the open square of the constitution, where they voted that no obedience should be paid to the orders of the present administration. The authorities, not perhaps very loth, held themselves under the necessity of acquiescing. Notice of these proceedings was instantly sent to Seville, with an invitation to that city to concur in a similar course. The Exaltados there, under a daring leader of the name of Regato, were abundantly forward in accepting the challenge. Velasco, the commandant, was disposed to obey his orders, but Escovado, the political chief, supported a contrary course; and Velasco felt, that by yielding he would lose the confidence of his party, and might even expose himself to personal danger. Seville therefore maintained an attitude of resistance. The Marquis of Campoverde, and Don Moreno Daoix, who had been appointed to suppress the disorder, paused at Cordova, dreading to provoke a contest, which must be disastrous, and might be perilous.

In this rebellious system, Seville and Cadiz were cheered by all the great cities, who assured them of their determination to follow the same course, whenever they should be put to the trial. Valencia, in particular, made itself conspicuous by tumul tuary zeal in the cause. A large multitude being assembled, and harangued from the stone of the constitution, the political chief was called upon, in a manner in which he could not safely resist, to assemble the municipality, for the purpose of framing an address. The municipality being called, an address ready made was immediately presented, and

though the most violent of any yet drawn up, was carried by acclamation. Besides concurring in the censures upon Ministers, and in approbation of the conduct of Cadiz, it dwelt with peculiar bitterness on the delay in the execution of the sentence pronounced in the former year against Elio, and concluded by open threats of war, declaring that Valencia "would obey no authority opposed to its ardent wishes, and would admit no middle term between liberty and death."

Catalonia might be considered as the head quarters of both parties; liberalism in its utmost extreme prevailing in the great towns, while the rugged mountains of the interior prepared already the germ of a terrible royalist insurrection. Barcelona, lately desolated by pestilence, was beginning to collect its inhabitants, and resume its flourishing aspect; yet though just emerged from such calamities, it hesitated not to throw itself into the career of political contention. This disposition was put to the trial by the appearance of Villacampa, with a commission from the Ministry to assume the military command; and though his constitutional character was unexceptionable, the city made not a moment's hesitation in disobedience. Villacampa, unwilling to come to extremities, took post at a little distance from the city, endeavouring to prevent the disaffection from spreading, and to induce the inhabitants to submit. All the militia, however, drew up; and being reinforced by the regiment of Cordova, which came over to their side, they mustered 8000 men in arms, and set at defiance all attempts to reduce them by force. They now resolved that they would not obey any order of Ministers, and that the city should be declared independent till the removal of that body. They conclud

ed by proclaiming this, "the glorious day of Barcelona." No outrage, however, took place, though it was at one time apprehended.

Amid these agitations and tumultuary demands, the King remained for a long time obstinate in refusing to dismiss his Ministers, or even to accept their repeatedly proffered resignation. It was understood, that at a meeting of the Council of State, a majority, with Castanos at their head, voted in favour of this opinion. They urged, no doubt with some plausibility, that the mode in which the removal was demanded, afforded alone a sufficient motive for refusing it; and added, that the vote of the Cortes against Ministers had been entirely the work of a faction. On the other hand, it was represented, that the state of the nation was urgent; and that in all representative governments, the Sovereign was under the occasional necessity of sacrificing Ministers, who could not command a majority in the national assembly. At a subsequent meeting, the latter arguments, enforced by the continued gloomy aspect of public affairs, prevailed. On the 17th January Ferdinand announced to the Cortes, that he had accepted the resignation of his Ministers, marking, however, his discontent, by declaring that he was satisfied with their services, their attachment to the constitution, their loyalty to his person, and their zeal for the public welfare.

This concession on the part of the Crown was speedily followed by the pacification of all the revolted cities. The submission of several, indeed, had preceded the change. Corunna was the first, where Mina, without hesitation, made way for the successor appointed to him. Indeed, the general spirit of Gallicia ran in quite a contrary direction. At Lugo and Orense, where the democratic chiefs

made attempts at resistance, the populace rose, broke their windows, and their lives even were with difficulty saved. At Cadiz, on the 10th of January, Jauregui resigned his place to Romanti, who had been appointed his successor. The change did not take place without open clamour on the part of a great body of the citizens, which however he exerted himself in suppressing. This intelligence he transmitted to the Cortes, accompanied with a defence of his conduct, which, on the 17th, was referred to a committee. Seville continued still in open rebellion till, on the 11th of Fe-` bruary, tranquillity was at last restored there, and the new authorities acknowledged. The conduct of Escovado, the late political chief, became also a subject of inquiry to the Cortes; but both he and Jauregui were, prudently perhaps, acquitted by the report of the committee. In the other great cities, the fall of the Ministry was celebrated as a signal triumph; but they nevertheless professed their readiness to obey whatever orders might emanate from the succeeding administration.

The King remained for some time in suspense as to the choice of a Ministry, and the Cortes do not appear to have taken any steps tending towards dictation. Without attempting to introduce any decided friends of his own, he looked from the first only to the moderate among the constitutional leaders. Martinez de la Rosa, the Conde de Toreno, and Calatrava, were mentioned as in this view having the best claims. length the first of these obtained the preference, and was left to form a Ministry out of his own immediate adherents. The new Minister, and the whole of the moderate constitutional party to which he belonged, were exposed at this time to considerable odium, in consequence of propo

At

sitions brought forward by them in the Cortes. As the turbulent proceedings in the cities had been chiefly inflamed by the popular clubs, the orators of which vied with each other in the violence with which they sup. ported their favourite system, a law was introduced, which at once repressed the licentiousness of the press, and subjected these clubs to a strict surveillance, considered incompatible with their very existence. At this proposition, the indignation of the multitude of Madrid was inflamed to the most culpable pitch. The Conde de Toreno, considered its main supporter, was attacked in his house by a band of anarchists, supposed to be animated by the most bloody designs, and escaped only by a back door. He was obliged thenceforth to be defended in his house by a constant guard, and to be escorted by it to and from the hall of assembly; so that the mob held him a species of prisoner. The committee of Cortes appointed to inquire into these proceedings seems to have treated them too mildly, and to have pointed out only slight and ordinary methods for their suppression.

The Cortes, however, proceeded with the repressive laws, and on the 18th of February a report favourable to their adoption was received from the committee. Calatrava, however, opposed this report, insisting that the evils of the nation could be radically cured only by a vigorous administration. The change now made was more nominal than real, and the new Ministry was in no degree more effective than that to which it succeeded. The motion, however, founded upon this judgment, was negatived by 90 to 46. The laws were passed and acted upon; the most violent of the popular clubs were shut up; the police was strictly enforced, and supported when necessary by a military

guard. Thus Madrid and the other great cities resumed somewhat of a tranquil aspect.

While these agitations prevailed in the interior, the frontier provinces, and particularly Navarre, presented the opening scenes of that terrible insurrection, which was pregnant with such fatal consequences to the constitutional system. The first symptoms appeared in the small towns of Lower Arragon. At Caspe, Alcaniz, and Calatayud, the stone of the constitution was thrown down, and the absolute King proclaimed. Troops, however, being speedily drawn from Madrid and Saragossa, General Alava entered these towns, whence the ringleaders of sedition either fled, or were apprehended and punished. Huesca, in Upper Arragon, from its remote situation, was enabled to hold out for a longer time. But it was in the frontier of Navarre, the valleys of Roncal and Goni, those deep Pyrenean recesses, that insurrection first shewed itself on a great scale. Don Juan de Villanueva, an ancient associate of Mina, and who had even accompa nied him to Paris, but widely separated from him in principle, and known among the Spaniards by the familiar name of Juannito, and Santos Ladron, also an active partisan in the war of independence, raised the standard of revolt. It soon appeared that the whole mass of the peasantry was on their side; and even from the towns, where the prevailing spirit was constitutional, many of the lower ranks, and of those connected with the church, hied to the mountains to join the bands there forming. An early object of wonder was the large funds by which this war was supported, while it remained yet mysterious whence they were derived. High bounties were given to recruits, particularly to those who brought horses, and regular pay was issued at a time