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England, to be laid under interdict; and when worldly men had asked for the signs that were to prove the Divine confirmation of his sentence, they lived to see the repentance of one king and the disastrous and ignominious end of the other. May the intercession of St. Thomas sustain the successor of Innocent in the contest of which we have witnessed the beginning, and of which the best and kindest of Pontiffs will, we trust, see the speedy termination!

NOTICES OF BOOKS.

I-1. His Holiness Pope Pius IX. and the Temporal Rights of the Holy See. By M. J. Rhodes, Esq., M. A. Richardson and Son: London, Dublin, and Derby, 1860.

2. Answer to the Memorandum, Addessed by the Pretended Government of the Romagna, to the Powers and Governments of Europe. Translated from the Italian of the Civilta Cattolica. By M. J. Rhodes, Esq., M. A. Richardson and Son: London, Dublin, and Derby, 1860.

The first of these two Pamphlets is a very interesting publication. The author after a few introductory remarks, gives a sketch of the origin of the late rebellion in the Romagna, and shows how Catholics of all nations are bound to defend the temporal sovereignty of the Church. He then touches upon the origin of the Pope's sovereignty, which he proves was not the work of man, but the gradual silent work of God; for no one can point, with precision and certainty, to the time when it arose, and in spite of so many vicissitudes, it has continued in existence for more than a thousand years. Mr. Rhodes then proceeds to show that the temporal rights of the Papacy are most closely connected with the religious, social, and political interests of all mankind-with the religious interestsbecause it is necessary that the exercise of the Pope's spiritual jurisdiction should be free, and that every one should see that it is free ;-with the social interests-because the Papacy has maintained at all times, even against the most

formidable aggressions, the holiness of the family tie, and is a standing witness to the sacredness of constituted authority and with the political interests-because it is evidently the interest of all governments who have Catholic subjects, that the head of the Catholic Church should be free from even the suspicion of having in any circumstances acted under the influence of a foreign power. Mr. Rhodes develops these various considerations in a very interesting manner, and concludes by appealing to all Catholics to combine in defence of the assailed sovereignty of the Holy See. This first pamphlet is especially rich in documentary and historical illustrations.

The second publication is translated from the Civilta Cattolica. It passes in review the various reasons adduced in the Memorandum of the so-called Government of the Romagna, in vindication of the late disturbances, and refutes them one after the other in a masterly and triumphant manner.

We recommend strongly to all lovers of the truth, whether Catholics or Protestants, these two pamphlets of Mr. Rhodes. A hostile press has so completely misrepresented the state of things in the Papal dominions, and the rise and progress of the late successful rebellion in the Legations, that many candid minds have been led to form the most erroneous judgments on these points. A perusal of these two publications will go far to remove their prejudices. It is a maxim of the commonest equity that no one should be condemned without a hearing. But although all are ready to bow to this maxim, how many are there in this country who will not act up to it, particularly in questions affecting the temporal sovereignty of the Holy Father. Mr. Rhodes's opportune publications offer, at least to all those who really wish to enlighten their conscience on the subject, the means of forming a correct and impartial judgment upon the late lamentable transactions in the Ro

magna.

As for those (of whom there are so many now in England) who are actuated in reference to these questions by feelings of bitter religious animosity or strong political passions, we can hardly expect that any arguments or considerations will suffice to change their views. It is not the mere view of the truth that has the power to change the heart of men, but only the grace of God. Perhaps, however,

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these inveterate English enemies of the Papacy would do well to remind themselves of what Mr. Rhodes takes care to bring forward at the beginning of his first pamphlet, that is to say, the cause for which Pope Pius VII. brought upon himself the odious treatment he underwent at the hands of the first Napoleon, his refusal, namely, to close his ports against British ships. Let them also remember the effect of the excommunication which that venerable Pontiff then issued against his persecutor. The great Emperor, on first hearing of the threat of this excommunication sneeringly wrote to Eugene Beauharnais, Does the Pope think the world has gone back a thousand years? Does he suppose the arms will fall from the hands of my soldiers?" "And yet," says Alison, "within two years after these remarkable words were written, the Pope did excommunicate the Emperor Napoleon in return for the confiscation of his whole dominions, and in less than four years more, the arms did fall from the the hands of his soldiers," (in the memorable Russian campaign in 1812.) This is the commentary of a Protestant historian. The excommunication which Pope Pius IX. has promulgated against the abettors of the rebellion in the Romagna has lately called forth the same disdainful sneers that once fell from the pen of the great Emperor. All we shall say is, may the mercy of Almighty God be so mingled with His justice, that the present excommunication may not have the like terrible sanction, which was given to the former, in this our own generation!

RICHARDSON AND SON, LONDON, DÜBLIN, AND DEKBY,

THE

DUBLIN REVIEW.

AUGUST, 1860.

ART. I.-1. Twelfth Annual Report of the Poor-Law Board, 1859.60. Presented to both Houses of Parliament by command of Her Majesty. London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1860.

2. The Workhouse Papers, for May, June, July, and August, 1860. Published for the Workhouse Committee by Messrs. Burns and Lambert.

3. The Catholic in the Workhouse. Popular Statement of the Law as it affects him-the religious grievances it occasions-with practical suggestions for redress. By Charles A. Russell, Esq., Barrister at Law. London Catholic Publishing and Bookselling Company, Limited. 1859.

IT

T is proverbially ill talking between a full man and a fasting; and probably no harder task could be found. than for a poor famishing creature to have to bring home to his well-fed neighbour the fact that he is really hungry. Our countrymen have provided themselves with liberty in such abundance, that they have plenty to spare for enslaved nationalities; and wearing the beam in their eye with a jaunty unconsciousness, they devote themselves to the friendly work of finding motes elsewhere. Charity should begin at home and set its own house in order: and the stones we contribute to our neighbour's building would come from us with a better grace if we had first used all we needed ourselves in substituting something solid for the fragile glass of which our house is built. The dominant religion has provided so well for itself, that we cannot get its comfortable professors to give ear to us when we say that in all workhouses, in most prisons, and in some lunatic

VOL. XLVIII.-No. XCVI.

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asylums, the Catholic inmate is treated with the most flagrant injustice.

Why will not people listen to us on this workhouse question? They say," it is an Irish question," or, “it is a priests' question," and so saying, they think they have settled it for ever. They cannot think we are in earnest when we ask that justice may be done to a pauper, or that some child who is being fed and taught in a workhouse or district school, may be brought up a Catholic. What can it matter to us, they think, what religion a handful of pauper children are taught, whether they learn that there are two sacraments or seven, whether they come to believe that the queen or the Pope is the head of the Church, whether they hear Mass or listen to "Dearly beloved brethren?" There must be, they imagine, some political end in such a demand, that they cannot see. Would to God that we could persuade them that the salvation of souls in our minds ranks first; that Catholics, whose politics are of every shade and variety, will unite for this end; and that, rightly or wrongly, we believe that the Roman Catholic Church is the only true Church, and that nothing is so shocking as that, through our fault, the soul even of one pauper child should be deprived of the means of salvation. An Irish question? Well, it is, if Irishmen see that these paupers of Irish origin, are not treated with ordinary fairness. A priests' question? Yes, it is; and it may be a justification to remember that for these very souls, baptized by them and then taken from them, if they have not done their best to reclaim them, those priests "must give an account," and that they are the souls of the very poor to whom the Gospel is preached. It may be an Irish question and a priests' question too; and please God, if not soon settled, it will become much more than either the one or the other, and yet one to which every Englishman may condescend to listen and reply.

But we are told, "You have already been heard again and again; your cases will not bear investigation; they have broken down at every trial." It is against such prejudice that we have to speak; it is against this kind of treatment we feel called upon to enter our most solemn protest. We plead most earnestly for patience for but a few minutes; we ask to be heard in behalf of those who cannot speak for themselves; we pray that their cause may not be decided against them till it has been fairly stated;

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