Cardinals for their want of wisdom in not following his sage advice, to introduce reforms into the States of the Church. But what are the reforms so pertinaciously insisted upon and described in terms so vague? What are the abuses to be corrected? What are the wrongs that wring the heart of the nation and call so loudly for the sympathy, if not for the intervention of civilized Europe? What is the misery that overwhelms the population of Rome? and in what does the grinding tyranny of the Cardinals consist? If Rome be the inveterate foe of human reason, if it impede the growth of the mind, then what is Berlin, the model city of modern enlightenment, since Rome possesses more educational establish ments than Berlin, more primary and more high schools? Its Sunday schools and its night schools for the adult population, are more numerous and are better attended than those of the Prussian capital.

6

Amongst the noble institutions of Rome few are more worthy of imitation than San Michele, with its hospitals, its asylums for the poor, and its prisons; an institution which Morichini justly says, the genius of the Popes established a century in advance of the most cultivated nations of Europe.' Its school of industry and art, Howard, our great English prison reformer, describes with evident admiration as a large and noble edifice containing, at the time of his visit, about 200 boys, all learning different trades, according to their different abilities and genius.† The city of the Popes, however, if not averse to the spread of knowledge, yet checks, it is alleged, the expression of popular opinion in the States of the Church.

If it were the case how is it inferior to Paris? And yet we have not ventured to remonstrate with our "magnanimous ally" on his repressive tendencies and on his aversion to popular criticism. It cannot, indeed, be that we have one measure for the weak and another for the strong. Do the prisons of Rome perchance groan in vain for the

These night schools are thirteen in number, attended by no fewer than 1600 pupils, and are sustained by private contributions, by grants through the commission of supplies, and by certain ecclesiastical funds temporarily conceded to them by the present Pope. Vide Rome and its Ruler.

† Rome and its Ruler, passim.

174

[May,

appearance of a Howard or of a Mrs. Fry? Quite the reverse. 66 'Some of these prisons," says the Count de Rayneval, in his celebrated report to the French minister of foreign affairs, "should be visited, that the visitor may admire the term is not too strong-the persevering charity of the Holy Father." tinues, "is largely exercised. "Private charity," he concharity are numerous and effective. Here, also, the action Establishments of public of the government is perceptible. again and again by men, who love rather to declaim (an But why, it is argued easy business) against admitted evils, than to reflect on their origin or cause, why are the States of the Church not more prosperous? blessed with a genial climate, and rich in a productive soil, why does not their agriculture rival that of England, or of some other spot of Utopian perfection? Why is the country not intersected with vast lines of railways? Why does not trade extend its operations, and workshops and mills arise, Phoenix-like, out of the ruins of useless convents, and idle monasteries? and why-oh grand and overwhelming climax-are the Pontine Marshes not drained by the Popes? But is it the legitimate business of a government to undertake works that belong rather to private enterprize than public' control? We have elsewhere examined this important question at length. idle in their habits, the government cannot change their If the people be listless and nature, nor infuse vigour into minds that are wanting in the habit of energy and in the spirit of enterprise. Do not reproach the government for the faults of the people, nor swell the chorus of unavailing complaints. The crusade, however, which these pretended reformers, but real enemies of Italian regeneration are preaching, is not against abuses, but against the very existence of the Papal Government. It is a deadly war waged by a false liberalism, and an impious unbelief against the cowl of the monk, the stole of the priest, and the tiara of the Pope. The Papacy is the Pope's greatest offence. But the religion of the Pope is the faith of Christendom, is the religion of ages, is the revelation of God. If it offend against the civilization of Europe, so much the worse for European civilization. If the spirit of the 19th century be scandalized, the 19th century had better do penance in sackcloth and ashes. The See of Peter cannot abate one jot or tittle of its creed to please any age, nor can his successor yield

one rood of the dominions delivered into his hands for providential purposes.

What reforms, what concessions would satisfy men who have no substantial grievance to allege against the administration of the country? The people of the Roman States are freer than any other people in Europe from the oppressive visitation of the tax-gatherer.* Their imposts are light and their food abundant. The strictest economy prevails in every department of the civil service. The highest functionaries of the state, governors of provinces, cardinals, ambassadors, draw from the public exchequer but very low sums to support their dignity and to conduct. the business of the state. Under such an administration, and in proof of its vigorous action, we ought not to expect less than a sound financial system. Nor shall we be disappointed in our expectations. In spite of the grave disturbance to commercial credit caused by the unlimited issue of a paper currency, which the Roman Republic of 1848 created, to cover the cost of the revolution, and in spite of the arduous operation undertaken, with a wise economy, by the Pontifical government, to withdraw, though at a loss of 7,000,000 scudi, these depreciated assignats from circulation, the finances have recovered their elasticity, and show in ordinary times a balance favourable to the exchequer. A sound system of currency has been adopted, and branch banks have been established throughout the provinces in connection with the one at Rome, founded originally by the French. This happy condition of financial matters, always so consoling to chancellors of the exchequer, and so necessary to the amelioration of a state on the morrow of a revolution, has been again disturbed by the political convulsions, which

A Roman pays the state 22 francs annually, 68 millions being levied on a population of 3 millions. A Frenchman pays the French government 45 francs, 1600 millions being levied on a population of 35 millions.-Count de Rayneval's Report.

The civil list, the expenses of the cardinals, of the diplomatic corps abroad, the maintenance of the Pontifical palaces, aud the museums, cost the state no more than 3,200,000 francs. This small sum is the only share of the public revenue taken by the Papacy for the support of the Pontifical diguity, aud for keeping up the principal establishments of the superior ecclesiastical administration. Ibid.

May,

the ambition of kings and the vain-glory of a misguided people have, like an hereditary curse, again entailed upon unfortunate and guilty Italy. No concessions short of surrendering the Pontifical sovereignty, and yielding up the Roman States a prey to revolutionary passions, or to the vain scheme of founding a united Italy, would have averted the evil. No simple reforms would have brought peace to these unruly populations. The effect would have been the reverse. They would have given a keener edge to the popular appetite, and opened the door to the revolution.

66

Unhappily," says M. de Rayneval, "these populations are not to be satisfied. By destroying the Pontifical authority a numerous party, but not the whole nation, is sure to be satisfied. By the establishment of a constitutional government which would appear, however, to be in little harmony with the power of the Head of the Church, a large number of individuals would be equally satisfied, but as I have said, the one party as well as the other would rapidly allow public business to fall into the hands of the most violent section. M Rossi, who wanted neither the necessary talent nor the good will, had devoted himself to the task of introducing into the Pontifical States a parliamentary government. believed that he could have reckoned on some support. The event It might have been teaches us that he completely failed in obtaining this support. Nobody was found in the moment of danger to uphold or defend him, no voice was raised to deplore his violent death, still less to invoke vengeance for the deed. It is in the highest degree impossible, in the midst of passions which are dividing the minds of men, to create a truly popular administration."

On one point only are we disposed to impute blame to the Roman government. When we reflect on the rapid spread and success of the revolutionary movement in central Italy, and in the disloyal and unfaithful Romagnas, when we call to mind what faint resistance was offered, by priest and people, to the invasion of Victor Emanuel and to his sacrilegious usurpation of the possessions of the Church, we cannot but believe that symptoms were not wanting, in many of the Papal provinces and in the surrounding states, to indicate the presence of an apathetic cowardice or of a growing corruption. The storm that has burst over Italy gave many a warning of its approach. Why were not adequate means of defence prepared? Why was not an army organized? In the presence of such a suspicious and double-faced friend as Louis Napo

leon the attempt at self-defence was undoubtedly a matter of difficulty, and required delicate handling. We are well aware of the efforts that have been made from time to time to increase the Swiss guard, and to enlist native troops, and to improve the administration of military affairs, but the preparation has been a slow process compared with the rapidity of the advancing danger. After the revolution of 1848, the Papal government, in strict alliance with Austria and with France, might have insisted upon its right and duty to form an army of its own for the protection of its territories, and for the maintenance of its independence. It might have recruited in Catholic Europe. It might have called to its standards the noblest soldiers in Europe. It might have gathered in its ranks men animated with a high sense of duty, ready to do battle for the Papacy, and to shed their blood in defence of its rights. Under the sting of adversity, and under the quickening spur of desertion, bold and resolute measures have been adopted that cannot fail to result in a successful issue. But this fault of unsuspecting confidence was, after all, a generous fault. The Papal government placed too implicit a trust in the faith and loyalty of all its subjects.

The Pope, moreover, had a right to rely upon the inviolability of his position, upon the faith of treaties, and upon the public promises of kings. He who had committed no wrong in Europe had acquired a right to reckon upon European support against public injustice, and against the invasion of his territories by a friendly power. But in resting upon public honour and upon international right, he has found that he has been leaning upon a broken reed. For not only has the spirit of chivalry forsaken the nations of Europe, but the sense of duty has been clouded, if even it have not suffered a total eclipse in the policy of statesmen and in the public mind. The sovereign of the Pontifical States has relied too much on the gratitude of men, and trusted too little to the arın of the flesh.

Never than to-day was ingratitude more apparent in revolted Italy; and it receives its merited rebuke in the invitation given to the most faithful and gallant soldier of France to place himself at the head of the Pontifical troops. Lamoricière, in obedience to the command of the Pope, has set to work to organize an army. Hig presence and undaunted bearing inspire courage into the hearts of the timid but well-disposed population of the

VOL. XLVIII.-No. XCV.,

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